1862年にヘボンの開いた横浜英学所（ヨコハマ・アカデミー）は[112]、ジェームズ・バラの弟ジョンに引き継がれ、バラ学校と呼ばれていた（バラ学校は1880年に築地居留地に移転して築地大学校となる）。1872年、押川方義（東北学院創立者）らバラ学校の青年たちが信仰を告白し、洗礼を受けた。このグループが「横浜バンド」である。同じ年、横浜に最初の教会「日本基督公会」（海岸教会）が開かれた。1873年にはサミュエル・ブラウンの自宅に集まった青年たちによって「ブラウン塾」が発足。生徒の中には前出の押川方義のほか、青山学院の院長となる本多庸一や、明治学院創設メンバーである井深梶之助、植村正久らがいた。このバラ学校とブラウン塾の流れから1877年に東京一致神学校が生まれ、1887年に東京一致英和学校（築地大学校の後身）・東京英和予備学校と統合した上で白金に移転して明治学院が誕生した。また，一時帰国していたブラウンと共に1869年に来日したメアリー・キダー (Mary E. Kidder) が、ヘボンの診療所で教育していた。ここから後のフェリス女学院が誕生する。
2019年11月23日-26日の日程で第266代ローマ教皇フランシスコが来日（1981年の第264代教皇ヨハネ・パウロ2世以来、2度目の教皇来日）。教皇来日のテーマは、「すべてのいのちを守るため〜PROTECT ALL LIFE」[157]。フランシスコ教皇は東京都、広島県、長崎県を訪問し、東日本大震災被災者との交流、皇居での今上天皇（徳仁）との会見や総理大臣官邸での安倍晋三首相との会談、東京ドームでの5万人ミサなどを行った。
^1889年9月に大阪で行われた宣教師会議の時、他の宣教団の来日を必要とするという意見を述べたものが1名、また別に今後の時勢を見て他会へ来日要請することを考慮に入れるべきであるとするものが1名いたという。(ASMEP,Vol.573,Pierre-Marie Osouf à un pére,Tokio,17 août 1889.)
^アルベール・アンリ・シャルル・ブルトン (Albert-Henri Charles Breton) 1882年7月16日、フランスのサン-タングヴェールにて生まれた。アラスの神学校で神学を学んだのち、1901年パリ外国宣教会に入会した。1905年6月司祭に叙階、同年8月に日本派遣を命じられ函館に赴任した。翌年新潟、さらに1907年には青森県弘前に転任した。1908年、青森に赴任しフォーリー神父のもとで助任司祭を務めたが小児麻痺を発病し、治療のためにフランスに帰国した。アメリカ経由で日本に帰る途中、カルフォルニアの日本からの移民の実情を視察して帰任した。鎌倉七里ケ浜に土地を求め、聖テレジア療養所を設立、鎌倉教会および東京本郷教会の司祭を兼任した。1931年福岡司教に任ぜられ福岡に転じた。1940年引退。第二次世界大戦中も日本に留まったが一時スパイの疑いで憲兵隊に逮捕されたことが伝えられている。1954年8月11日、鎌倉において死去。
^ abCartas que os Padres e Irmaos da Companhia da Iesus, que andao nos Reynos de lapao escreverao aos da mesma Companhia da India, e Europa, desde anno de 1549 ate 1580. Primeiro Tomo, Evora 1598. f. 155.
^ abアルメイダ、1564年10月14日付豊後発信書（Cartas que os Padres e Irmaos da Companhia da Iesus, que andao nos Reynos de lapao escreverao aos da mesma Companhia da India, e Europa, desde anno de 1549 ate 1580. Primeiro Tomo, Evora 1598.f.151v.）
^ abRibeiro, Madalena, Gaspar Vilela. Between Kyúshú and the Kinai, Bulletin of Portuguese - Japanese Studies, vol. 15, diciembre, 2007, pp. 9-27
^ abcBOXER, C. R. The Christian Century in Japan, 1549 – 1650. California: University of California Press, 1974, pp. 97-98, "But since the Portuguese are unwilling to do this, and they often go to places against the padres` wishes, there is always much jealousy and rivalry between these lords, from which follow in turn to great toil and moil to the padres and to Christianity. And, moreover, it sometimes happens that the Portguese go with their ships to the fiefs of heathen lords who bitterly persecute the padres and Christianity, wrecking churches and burning images, which causes great scandal and contempt of the Christian religion."
^Peter C. Mancall, ed (2007). The Atlantic World and Virginia, 1550-1624 (illustrated ed.). UNC Press Books. p. 228. ISBN 080783159X
^MATSUDA Kiichi. Tenshō Ken’ō Shisetsu. Tokyo: Chōbunsha, 1991, pp. 274-5
^ CRUZ, Frei Gaspar da (auth.) and LOUREIRO, Rui Manuel (ed.). Tratado das Coisas da China (Évora, 1569-1570). Lisbon: Biblioteca editores Independentes, 2010, p. 177.
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.346
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 366, "First, it is important to consider the format chosen by the missionaries. As Nina Chordas explains, early modern dialogues were a quasi-fictional genre, in the sense that they insisted on being accepted as an entity “with some agency in the actual, material world”. As a literary genre, the dialogue was the result of a “general distrust of imaginative literature” in the late Renaissance, thus offering an alternative for seducing the rational mind.1151 These texts were, as pointed by Jon R. Snyder, “never transcriptions of conversations or debates that actually occurred (although this is one of their enabling fictions); no unmediated traces of orality can be discovered in dialogue, except in the form of carefully constructed illusion.”1152"
^MATSUDA Kiichi. Tenshō Ken’ō Shisetsu. Tokyo: Chōbunsha, 1991, pp. 274-5
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 19-20
^Slavery in Medieval Japan, Slavery in Medieval Japan, Thomas Nelson, Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 59, No. 4 (Winter, 2004), pp. 463-492, "As early as 1555, complaints were made by the Church that Portuguese merchants were taking Japaense slave girls with them back to Portugal and living with them there in sin....Political disunity in Japan, however, together with the difficulty that the Portuguese Crown faced in enforcing its will in the distant Indies, the ready availability of human merchandise, and the profits to be made from the trade meant that the chances were negligible of such a ban actually being enforced. In 1603 and 1605, the citizens of Goa protested against the law, claiming that it was wrong to ban the traffic in slaves who had been legally bought. Eventually, in 1605, King Philip of Spain and Portugal issued a document that was a masterpiece of obfuscation intended both to pacify his critics in Goa demanding the right to take Japanese slaves and the Jesuits, who insisted that the practice be banned."
^OKAMOTO Yoshitomo. Jūroku Seiki Nichiō Kōtsūshi no Kenkyū. Tokyo: Kōbunsō, 1936 (revised edition by Rokkō Shobō, 1942 and 1944, and reprint by Hara Shobō, 1969, 1974 and 1980). pp. 728-730
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 496-497 "If that is the case, the king had then sent copies of the same order to India at least three times: in 1603, when Aires de Saldanha published it, in 1604, with Martim Afonso de Castro, and in 1605."
^COSTA, João Paulo Oliveira e. O Cristianismo no Japão e o Episcopado de D. Luís Cerqueira. PhD thesis. Lisbon: Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1998, p. 312. Sousa indicates the same letters, but he mistakenly attributed them to Filipe II, Filipe III’s father. See SOUSA, Lúcio de. Escravatura e Diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII. Braga: NICPRI, 2014, p. 298.
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 493
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 494-504
^ abHarald Fischer-Tiné (2003). “'White women degrading themselves to the lowest depths': European networks of prostitution and colonial anxieties in British India and Ceylon ca. 1880–1914”. Indian Economic and Social History Review40 (2): 163–90 [175–81]. doi:10.1177/001946460304000202.
^OKAMOTO Yoshitomo. Jūroku Seiki Nichiō Kōtsūshi no Kenkyū. Tokyo: Kōbunsō, 1936 (revised edition by Rokkō Shobō, 1942 and 1944, and reprint by Hara Shobō, 1969, 1974 and 1980). pp. 728-730
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, pp. 514-523
^ abHuman Trafficking and Piracy in Early Modern East Asia: Maritime Challenges to the Ming Dynasty Economy, 1370–1565, Harriet Zurndorfer, Comparative Studies in Society and History (2023), 1–24 doi:10.1017/S0010417523000270, p. 13, "The wokou also engaged in human trafficking. In 1556, the Zhejiang coastal commander Yang Yi sent his envoy Zheng Shungong (flourished in the sixteenth century) to Japan to ask Kyushu authorities to suppress piracy along the Chinese littoral. When Zheng arrived, he found in Satsuma some two to three hundred Chinese working as slaves. Originally from southern Fujian prefectures, they were kept by Japanese families who had bought them from the wokou some twenty years before.61"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 277, "Chinese forced labor brought to Japan via these pirates is Zhèng Shùn-gōng 鄭舜功’s Rìběn Yíjiàn 日本一鑑. The book was compiled during Zhèng’s six-month trip to Bungo 豊後 in 1556, during the height of the Wakō activities in the region. In the section describing captives in Japan, Zhèng mentions that in Takasu 高洲, southern Kyushu, there were about two to three hundred Chinese people, “treated like cattle”, originally from Fúzhōu 福州, Xīnghuà 興化, Quánzhōu 泉州, Zhāngzhōu 漳州 and other areas serving as slaves in the region.910"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.274-275, "[Those from Satsuma, seeing that they were so successful in their intent,started to burn, destroy and devastate throughout those lands of Nangun and otherwere they went through, that nothing would stand still, and those who resisted alittle soon were killed. And what was not the least shameful thing, but the greatest shame, was to see the great crowd of people they would take captured, especially women, boys and girls, to whom they committed the greatest cruelties, and among these there was a great number of Christians.].
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 275, "The scenario is confirmed by the diary of Uwai Kakken 上井覚兼, a bushi at the service of the Shimazu clan. In the entry for the 12th day of the 7th month of Tenshō 14 –August 26th 1586 – he writes:「一、十二日、早旦打立、湯之浦ヘ着候、路次すから、手負なとに行合候、其外、濫妨人なと・女・童なと数十人引つれかへり候ニ、道も去あえす候」903"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 282, "Forced labor was a sub product of these struggles, and the Japanese slave market became dependent not only on Chinese and Koreans captured by Wakō, but also on servants captured domestically."
^ abcJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 333, "In conclusion, the interrogatory sent by Hideyoshi shows that the ruler was more concerned with economic aspects and the impact of the way Jesuits acted in Japan rather than moral issues. The depletion of the fields of Kyushu from human and animal labor force was a serious issue to the local economy. This conclusion overturns what has been stated by the previous historiography, since Okamoto, who defended that Hideyoshi, upon arriving in Kyushu, discovered for the first time the horrors of the slave trade and, moved by anger, ordered its suspension.1053 However, as we saw before, the practice was much older and most certainly known in the whole archipelago, although apparently restricted to Kyushu. Because the Kanpaku consolidated his rule over the island, conditions were favorable for him to enact such orders."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.333, "The Kanpaku made three irrefutable offers to the Jesuits, effectively establishing the conditions for them to stay in the archipelago."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 330-331 ,"Fróis was, in fact, explaining his audience that Hideyoshi’s was poised to demand the return of people who were displaced by events such as war, kidnapping, or even people who had voluntarily fled their village...And the order for return of laborers to one’s fief was one of the necessary maneuvers to guarantee these conditions. These people could be displaced not only by conflict or kidnappings, but also by fleeing economic and social conditions. 1050 These were moves occurring in all Japanese territory and were not restricted to areas of Kyushu."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 328 ,"He explains the necessity they had of cows and horses in the country, as an important resource for war and manual labor. Hideyoshi also explains that eating these animals could deplete the land of this important resource. Once more, the ruler makes an irrefutable offer to the priests: if the Portuguese and the missionaries could not live without eating meat, Hideyoshi would order the construction of a facility to keep hunted animals to be consumed by the foreigners."
^Cartas que os Padres e Irmaos da Companhia da Iesus, que andao nos Reynos de lapao escreverao aos da mesma Companhia da India, e Europa, desde anno de 1549 ate 1580. Primeiro Tomo, Evora 1598. f.435
^Alejandro Valignano S. I. Sumario des las Cosas de Japon(1583). Adiciones de l sumario de Japon (1592). editados por jose Luis Alvarez-Taladriz. Tokyo 1954. Introduction. p. 70.
^Sources of Japanese Tradition, vol. 2, 1600 to 2000, edited by Wm. Theodore de Bary, Carol Gluck, and Arthur E. Tiedemann, New York: Columbia University Press, 2005. pp. 169-170
^de Bary, Wm. Theodore (2005). “Part IV: The Tokugawa Peace”. Sources of Japanese Tradition: 1600 to 2000. Columbia University Press. pp. 149. ISBN9780231518123
^Boxer, C. R. The Christian Century in Japan: 1549-1650. Manchester: Carcanet Press Ltd., 1951., pp. 149-151.
^Berry, Mary Elizabeth. Hideyoshi. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982. pp. 92-93
^The English and the Control of Christianity in the Early Edo Period, Timon Screech, Japan Review 24 (2012), p. 32, "The dénouement of summer 1616 occurred while Cocks was in Edo; indeed, I have argued here that Cocks’s presence was the trigger. But he sorely overplayed his hand. Cocks’s remarks caused alarm more widespread than he could have intended. As well as banishing the bateren shūmon, Hidetada decided to confine the English and the Dutch.177"
^The English and the Control of Christianity in the Early Edo Period, Timon Screech, Japan Review 24 (2012), p. 30 "Little has been said above about the Dutch. Their base was beside that of the English on Hirado. On first arrival in Japan, Cocks and Saris were shocked to find that individual Dutchmen (not the Company itself) were billing themselves as “English,” which they did so as to engage in piracy without sullying their own country’s name.161 Not withstanding the honours given to Addames, the reputation preceding the English was accordingly not good."
^The English and the Control of Christianity in the Early Edo Period, Timon Screech, Japan Review 24 (2012), p. 31, "The best strategy was to link the Dutch to the Jesuits, which was intensely done after the first change in shogunal attitude in winter 1613–1614, after Saris had left and Cocks had gained some purchase on the situation in Japan. Jacques Speckx (1585–1652), chief of the Dutch factory, he reported, proclaimed that in Asia, “he took the Graue Moris [graf Maurits (1567–1625)] and the Estates of Holland to be as much as the King of England, if not more.”166 Yet Cocks countered, telling Matsura Takanobu that the Dutch were “natural vassals of the King of Spain,” and “in open rebellion cast hym offe,” referring to the Spanish Netherlands. Takanobu should beware, for the Dutch “might breed some alteration in the harts of his owne vasseles to doe as the Hollanders had done,” with wider ramifications, to “make others as themselves are, to the over throwe of the state of Japan.”167 Cocks pursued a dual line: the United Provinces were rightfully part of Catholic Spain, so the Dutch were rebels, and, though this was contradictory, it was England that had secured such independence as the Dutch enjoyed, and so, in a manner, was overlord to them. He informed the Hirado court “that all might heare” how, “the King of England has vassales much greater than the prince (or county [count]) w’ch governs the Hollanders, and that their state or government was under the command of the King of England, he having garrisons of English soldiers in their cheefest fortes, or places of strength they had.”168"
^The English and the Control of Christianity in the Early Edo Period, Timon Screech, Japan Review 24 (2012), p. 31-32 "Cocks was drawing attention to the Cautionary Towns, placed under English control as surety for Elizabeth’s enormous loans to the Dutch cause.170 But it was stretching the point to imply that the United Provinces were under English rule in any comprehensive way. Still, on hearing a Dutchman claim “their kinge of Holland to be the greatest kinge in Christendome, and that held all the others under,” Cocks weighed in: “I was not behindhand to tell him hee need not lye so oude, for that they had no kinge at all in Holland, but wer governed by a count, or rather, they governed him,” that is, he was an elected stadtholder, not a king, which to a Japan just emerging from civil war might seem dangerously loose. And Cocks continued, forgetting Spain: “If they had any kinge of which they might boast, it was the Kinge ma’tes of England, who hitherto have been their protector, otherwise they had never bragged of their states.”171 "
^The English and the Control of Christianity in the Early Edo Period, Timon Screech, Japan Review 24 (2012), p. 32, "Cocks found himself blocked. James’s latest letter, brought on the Thomas or Advice, was refused, ostensibly on the grounds it was addressed to Ieyasu (recently deceased), and Cocks was allowed no audience.178 All the sub-factories were closed, with trade thereafter conducted only from Hirado. Cocks lamented they “might as wel banish vs right out of Japon as bynd vs to such a order.”179 He was informed by Kakuzeamon that it was temporary, until Japan was cleared of priests, after which trade would be reexpanded.180 But no reexpansion came."
^The English and the Control of Christianity in the Early Edo Period, Timon Screech, Japan Review 24 (2012), p. 33, "Hidetada, now free of his father, made large-scale alterations to Ieyasu’s dispensation, not just with reference to international commerce. “[E]very one complayneth,” said Cocks, “that matters aer worse than in the ould mans daies, and that this man doth nothing but change offecers and displace tonos [daimyo].”181 The sequence with which this paper has engaged ended that autumn. The Jesuits were gone, or at least should have been. They were not supine, however; though few in number and living in hiding (as in England), they leaked out damaging facts. They tried to turn the tables over the matter of the United Provinces, pointing out the King of Spain was only troubled there because of English support, and “thenglish were they w’ch gave hem [the Dutch] meanes to stand against their naturall prince.”182"
^George Elison, Deus Destroyed, The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan, Harvard University Press, 1973, p. 208.
^José Miguel Pinto dos Santos, THE “KURODA PLOT” AND THE LEGACY OF JESUIT SCIENTIFIC INFLUENCE IN SEVENTEENTH CENTURY JAPAN, Bulletin of Portuguese /Japanese Studies, 2005 june-december, número 10-11 Universidade Nova de Lisboa Lisboa, Portugal, p. 134
^Japan’s Encounters with the West through the VOC. Western Paintings and Their Appropriation in Japan, Mediating Netherlandish Art and Material Culture in Asia, Yoriko Kobayashi-Sato, December 2014, (pp.267-290)
^Viallé and Blussé, 2005; Nederlandse Factorij Japan 67 1654:37
^Blussé, Leonard, Viallé, Cynthia, The Deshima dagregisters: their original tables of contents, Vol. XI: 1641–1650. Institute for the Studyof European Expansion, Intercontinenta 23, 2001
^Viallé and Blussé, 2005; Nederlandse Factorij Japan 67 1654:35:37:51
^Blussé and Viallé, 2005; NFJ 67:110, NFJ 68:1,105.
^NA 1.04.21, Ned. Factorij in Japan 1609–1860 inv. nr. 188; NA 1.04.21 inv. nr. 1565; DD 15.08.1778.
^Blussé et al., 2004, DD. A.W. Feith 1777–1778: 8.
^ abInnes, Robert Leroy. “The Door Ajar: Japan's Foreign Trade in the Seventeenth Century.” PhD Dissertation. University of Michigan, 1980. pp. 161-163.
^Imagining Global Amsterdam: History, Culture, and Geography in a World City, M. de Waard / Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 2012, p. 37., "we had to endure many shameful restrictions imposed by those proud heathens. We may not celebrate Sundays or other festivities, we may not sing religious songs or speak our prayers; we never pronounce the name of Christ, nor may we carry around the image of the cross or any other symbol of Christianity. In addition we have to endure many other shameful impositions, which are very painful to a sensitive heart. The only reason which induces the Dutch to live so patiently with all these pains is the pure and simple love for profit and for the costly marrow of the Japanese mountains. (1964, 72)". Kämpfer, Engelbert. Geschichte und Beschreibung von Japan. Vol. 2. Stuttgart: Brockhaus, 1964. p. 72
^ abGulliver’s Travels, Japan and Engelbert Kaempfer, Bodart-Bailey Beatrice M, Otsuma journal of comparative culture, Vol. 22, pp. 75-100, "Even though the Dutch argued that they assisted the Japanese in political rather than religious strife, the event was much condemned by other European nations. "
^"Dr. John Francis Gemelli Careri, Voyage Round the World, 1700, Book IV, Chapter II, p. 291. "making no scruple for their Interest to trample the Holy Image of Christ, which the English refus’d to do.”
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