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A dominant-party system, or one-party dominant system, is a political occurrence in which a single political party continuously dominates election results over running opposition groups or parties.[1] Any ruling party staying in power for more than one consecutive term may be considered a dominant party (also referred to as a predominant or hegemonic party).[2] Some dominant parties were called the natural governing party, given their length of time in power.[3][4][5]
Dominant parties, and their domination of a state, develop out of one-sided electoral and party constellations within a multi-party system (particularly under presidential systems of governance), and as such differ from states under a one-party system, which are intricately organized around a specific party.[citation needed] Sometimes the term "de facto one-party state" is used to describe dominant-party systems which, unlike a one-party system, allows (at least nominally) democratic multiparty elections, but the existing practices or balance of political power effectively prevent the opposition from winning power, thus resembling a one-party state.[citation needed] Dominant-party systems differ from the political dynamics of other dominant multi-party constellations such as consociationalism, grand coalitions and two-party systems, which are characterized and sustained by narrow or balanced competition and cooperation.[citation needed]
In political literature, more than 130 dominant party systems between 1950 and 2017 were included in a list by A. A. Ostroverkhov.[6] For example, in the post-Soviet states, researchers classify parties such as United Russia and Amanat (Kazakhstan) as dominant parties on the basis that these parties have long held the majority of seats in parliament (although they do not directly form the government or appoint officials to government positions).[7] In Russian political science literature, such associations are often called "parties of power".[citation needed]
It is believed that a system with a dominant party can be either authoritarian or democratic. However, since there is no consensus in the global political science community on a set of mandatory features of democracy (for example, there is a point of view according to which the absence of alternation of power is, in principle, incompatible with democratic norms),[8] it is difficult to separate the two types of one-party dominance.[9]
Critics of the "dominant party" theory argue that it views the meaning of democracy as given, and that it assumes that only a particular conception of representative democracy (in which different parties alternate frequently in power) is valid.[10]Raymond Suttner, himself a former leader of the African National Congress (ANC), argues that "the dominant party 'system' is deeply flawed as a mode of analysis and lacks explanatory capacity. But it is also a very conservative approach to politics. Its fundamental political assumptions are restricted to one form of democracy, namely electoral politics, and display hostility towards popular politics. This is manifest in the obsession with the quality of electoral opposition, and its sidelining or ignoring of popular political activity organised in other ways. The assumption in this approach is that other forms of organisation and opposition are of limited importance or a separate matter from the consolidation of their version of democracy."[10][non-primary source needed][excessive quote]
One of the dangers of dominant parties is "the tendency of dominant parties to conflate party and state and to appoint party officials to senior positions irrespective of their having the required qualities."[10] However, in some countries this is common practice even when there is no dominant party.[10] In contrast to one-party systems, dominant-party systems can occur within a context of a democratic system as well as an authoritarian one.[citation needed] In a one-party system other parties are banned, but in dominant-party systems other political parties are tolerated, and (in democratic dominant-party systems) operate without overt legal impediment, but do not have a realistic chance of winning; the dominant party genuinely wins the votes of the vast majority of voters every time (or, in authoritarian systems, claims to).[citation needed] Under authoritarian dominant-party systems, which may be referred to as "electoralism" or "soft authoritarianism", opposition parties are legally allowed to operate, but are too weak or ineffective to seriously challenge power, perhaps through various forms of corruption, constitutional quirks that intentionally undermine the ability for an effective opposition to thrive, institutional and/or organizational conventions that support the status quo, occasional but not omnipresent political repression, or inherent cultural values averse to change.[citation needed]
In some states opposition parties are subject to varying degrees of official harassment and most often deal with restrictions on free speech (such as press laws), lawsuits against the opposition, and rules or electoral systems (such as gerrymandering of electoral districts) designed to put them at a disadvantage.[citation needed] In some cases outright electoral fraud keeps the opposition from power.[citation needed] However, some dominant-party systems occur, at least temporarily, in countries that are widely seen, both by their citizens and outside observers, to be textbook examples of democracy.[citation needed] An example of a genuine democratic dominant-party system would be the pre-Emergency India, which was almost universally viewed by all as being a democratic state, even though the only major national party at that time was the Indian National Congress.[citation needed] The reasons why a dominant-party system may form in such a country are often debated: supporters of the dominant party tend to argue that their party is simply doing a good job in government and the opposition continuously proposes unrealistic or unpopular changes, while supporters of the opposition tend to argue that the electoral system disfavors them (for example because it is based on the principle of first past the post), or that the dominant party receives a disproportionate amount of funding from various sources and is therefore able to mount more persuasive campaigns.[citation needed] In states with ethnic issues, one party may be seen as being the party for an ethnicity or race with the party for the majority ethnic, racial or religious group dominating, e.g., the African National Congress in South Africa (governing since the end of apartheid in 1994) has strong support amongst Bantu peoples of South Africa and the Ulster Unionist Party governed Northern Ireland from its creation in 1921 until 1972 with the support of the Protestant majority.[citation needed] Similarly, the Apartheid-era National Party in South Africa had the support of Afrikaners who make up the majority of White South Africans while English-speaking white South Africans tended towards more liberal and reform-oriented parties like the Progressive Federal Party.[citation needed]
Sub-national entities are often dominated by one party due to the area's demographic being on one end of the spectrum or espousing a unique local identity.[citation needed] For example, the current elected government of the District of Columbia has been governed by Democrats since its creation in the 1970s, Bavaria by the Christian Social Union since 1957, Madeira by the Social Democrats since 1976, and Alberta by the Progressive Conservatives from 1971 to 2015. On the other hand, where the dominant party rules nationally on a genuinely democratic basis, the opposition may be strong in one or more subnational areas, possibly even constituting a dominant party locally; an example is South Africa, where although the African National Congress is dominant at the national level, the opposition Democratic Alliance is strong to dominant in the Province of Western Cape.[citation needed]
Methods of dominant-party governments
In dominant-party governments, they use institutional channels, rather than repression, to influence the population.[11] Coercive distribution can control citizens and economic elites through land reform, poverty alleviation, public health, housing, education, and employment programs.[12] Further, they distribute private goods to the winning coalition (people who are necessary for its reign) in order to stay in power.[13] Giving the winning coalition private goods also prevents civil conflict.[14] They also use the education system to teach and uphold compliance. The recruiting, disciplining, and training of teachers allow for authoritarian governments to control teachers into following their objective: to foster compliance from the youth.[15] Another way that they maintain control is through hosting elections. Even though they would not be fair elections, hosting them allows citizens to feel that they have some control and a political outlet.[16] They can also enhance rule within their own state through international collaboration, by supporting and gaining the support, especially economic support, of other similar governments.[17]
Presidential election, 1992: dos Santos (MPLA-PT) won 49.6% of the vote. As this was not an absolute majority, a runoff against Jonas Savimbi (40.1%) was required, but did not take place. Dos Santos remained in office without democratic legitimacy.
New constitution, 2010: popular election of president abolished in favour of a rule that the top candidate of the most voted party in parliamentary elections becomes president.
The Colorado Party of Paraguay, 1880–1904 and 1948–2008, and 2014 to the present day. They were the sole legal party from 1947 to 1962. They currently (as of 2024) control the executive and both chambers of Congress.
Penang: Led by Pakatan Harapan and its predecessor, Pakatan Rakyat since 2008. Currently led a government coalition with Barisan Nasional after the 2023 state election.
Sarawak: Led by Gabungan Parti Sarawak and its predecessors (BN Sarawak, Sarawak Alliance) since independence (1963).
Selangor: Led by Pakatan Harapan and its predecessor, Pakatan Rakyat since 2008. Currently lead a government coalition with Barisan Nasional after the 2023 state election.
Negeri Sembilan: Led by Pakatan Harapan since 2018. Currently lead a government coalition with Barisan Nasional after the 2023 state election.
Gaza Strip Government (Hamas): Led by Chairman of the Political Bureau (acting) Khaled Mashal, in office since 16 October 2024 (previously in 31 July 2024-6 August 2024 and 1996-6 May 2017)
Christian Social Union in Bavaria (CSU): Led by Markus Söder, Minister-President (since 2018); In power since 1946, with a sole hiatus from 1954 to 1957. From 1966 to 2003 and 2013 to 2018, CSU ruled with an absolute majority. Its share of votes peaked in 1974 at 62%. From 2003 to 2008, CSU held a two-thirds supermajority in the Bavarian Landtag. Since the 2010s, the CSU's dominance has somewhat eroded (31.7% in the 2021 German federal election; 37.2% in the 2018 Bavarian state election), but it is still considered impossible to form a government led by another party in Bavaria. Even before 1946, Bavaria was already a dominant party system before the Third Reich dominated by the Bavarian People's Party (1918-1933), the Bavarian Centrist Party (1887-1918) and the Bavarian Patriot Party (1869-1887).
Christian Democratic Union (CDU):[30] In power since the establishment of the state in 1990. CDU ruled with an absolute majority until 2004, and even a two-thirds supermajority in the Landtag from 1994 to 2004. Its popularity peaked at 56.9% in the 1999 election. In the 2010s, CDU's dominance eroded significantly. In the 2017 German federal election, Saxony's CDU came in second place for the first time in the history of the state, reaching 26.9%, behind the far-right Alternative für Deutschland. Due to the irreconcilability of left-wing and right-wing opposition parties, it is still considered impossible to form a state government led by another party than CDU.
Social Democratic Party (SPD):[31] Led by Minister-PresidentDietmar Woidke (since 2013). In power since the state's establishment in 1990. currently. It won an absolute majority of seats in the Landtag and swept every single-member constituency in 1994, winning 54.1% of the vote. The SPD also swept all of Brandenburg's single-member constituencies in the 2021 federal election.
Has won the majority of seats to the House of Commons in Wales in every election since 1922. It has also been the largest party in the Senedd (formerly known as the National Assembly for Wales, until 2020) since its inception in 1999.
Has won the majority of seats to the House of Commons in London in every election since 1997. It has also been the largest party in the London Assembly for most of its existence with exception to 2008–12.
The Progressive Conservative Association of Alberta (often referred to colloquially as the Progressive Conservative Party of Alberta or the Alberta PC Party) formed the provincial government, without interruption, from 1971 until the party's defeat in the 2015 provincial election.[33] At 44 years, this was the longest unbroken run in government for a political party at the provincial or federal level in Canadian history.
In 2017, the Alberta PC Party merged with Alberta's other major centre-right party, the Wildrose Party, to become the United Conservative Party (UCP). The UCP has formed the provincial government since 2019, winning their second consecutive election in 2023.
The Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario (known colloquially as the Ontario PC Party or simply as the "Tories") enjoyed a 43-year unbroken stretch as the party that formed the provincial government from 1943 to 1985. The party in particular was at its most powerful under the Red Tory principles of premier Bill Davis from 1971 to 1985; its dominance led the party to be nicknamed "The Big Blue Machine" during this era.
The Ontario PC Party would regain power from 1995 to 2002 under Blue Tory premier Mike Harris and his brief successor Ernie Eves, and has formed the provincial government since 2018 under Doug Ford, winning a second election in 2022 as well.
The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and its predecessors Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR) (1929–1938) and Partido de la Revolución Mexicana (PRM) (1938–1946) in Mexico held the presidency from 1929 to 2000. The party governed all states until 1989 and controlled both chambers of congress until 1997. As of 2023, the PRI has continued an uninterrupted hold of the governorship in one state: Coahuila.
The Liberal Party, later known as the National Porfirist Party, ruled consistently from 1867 to 1911.
Before the Civil War and through the Jim Crow era and until the 1990s in non-presidential elections, the South (usually defined as coextensive with the former Confederacy) was known as the "Solid South" due to its states' reliable support of the Democratic Party, enabled in part by significant amounts of voter suppression and outright election subversion during Jim Crow.[34][35][36]
Caribbean and Central America
Antigua and Barbuda: The Antigua Labour Party in Antigua and Barbuda, 1960–1971 and 1976–2004. They are currently ruling, but may not be yet considered dominant.
The National Liberation Party is often referred as the hegemonic or dominant party between 1953 and 1983 as it won most elections, it held the majority in the Legislative Assembly between 1953 and 1978, held consecutive governments several times and was only defeated in 1958, 1966 and 1978 thanks to the entire right-wing opposition nominating a common candidate in coalition. Only after 1983 with the merge of the Unity Coalition into the Social Christian Unity Party Costa Rica started its two-party system.
The Partido Liberal Nacionalista of the Somoza family held effective control from the 1930s to 1979. It was never the sole legal party, but elections were often fraught with accusations of fraud and improbable results.
San Luis: The conservative Liberal Democratic Party ruled the province between 1922 and 1943. The Justicialist Party has won every gubernatorial election between 1973 and 2019.
Estonian Centre Party has held the mayorship in Tallinn since 2005, having won a majority of the city council seats there four consecutive times. In 2021, they received 38 out of 79 seats and formed a coalition.
France: During the tenure of Napoleon III (first as president 1848 to 1852 then as Emperor from 1852 to 1870), the Bonapartists were a loose ruling political organization. Since the Fifth Republic, the main presidential parties, Les Républicains (centre-right) or the Parti Socialiste (centre-left), were the biggest parties in over half of the presidential elections, until both parties lost dominance in France since 2017, as centrist politician Emmanuel Macron of En Marche became president, with French right-wing leader Marine Le Pen as the main opponent. Both parties have taken dominance since the 2017 French presidential election.
Baden-Württemberg: The Christian Democratic Union of Germany ruled from 1953 to 2011 and was the biggest party until 2016 (except in Württemberg-Baden for 1950–1952), but is still the biggest party at the German federal elections[37] and European Parliament elections.[38] In the predecessor state of Baden, the Centre Party was the biggest party during the Weimar era until 1930.
Bavaria: The Bavarian Patriot Party (until 1887), the Centre Party (until 1918) and the Bavarian People's Party were the biggest parties in the Bavarian Landtag from 1869[39] to 1933 and ruled from 1920 to 1933.
Saar(not part of Germany at the time): The Centre Party won every Landesrat election from 1922 to 1935.
Saar Protectorate(not part of Germany at the time): The Saarland Christian People's Party held the majority from 1947 to 1955, which was broken by the similar CDU in 1955.
Saarland: The Christian Democratic Union of Germany ruled from the return of the Saar to (West) Germany in 1959 to 1980. In the Landtag elections, the CDU reached between 36.6% in 1955 and 49.1% in 1975;[40] the CDU also dominated federal elections (except in 1972),[41] and in the 1979 European Parliament election, the CDU/CSU won 46.4%.[42]
Thuringia: From the establishment of the state, the Christian Democratic Union of Germany ruled without interruption until 2014, with an absolute majority from 1999 to 2009. Since 2014, it has been in opposition.
Luxembourg: The Christian Social People's Party (CSV), with its predecessor, Party of the Right, governed Luxembourg continuously from 1915 to 2013, except for 1974–1979. However, Luxembourg has a coalition system, and the CSV has been in coalition with at least one of the other two leading parties for all but four years. It has always won a plurality of seats in parliamentary elections, although it lost the popular vote in 1964 and 1974.
The Portuguese Republican Party, during most of the Portuguese First Republic's existence (1910–1926): After the coup that put an end to Portugal's constitutional monarchy in 1910, the electoral system, which had always ensured victory to the party in government, was left unchanged. Before 1910, it had been the reigning monarch's responsibility to ensure that no one party remain too long in government, usually by disbanding Parliament and calling for new elections. The republic's constitution added no such proviso, and the Portuguese Republican Party was able to keep the other minor republican parties (monarchic parties had been declared illegal) from winning elections. On the rare occasions when it was ousted from power, it was overthrown by force, and it was again by the means of a counter-coup that it returned to power, until its final fall, with the republic itself, in 1926.
Catalonia: The Convergence and Union coalition (federated political party after 2001) in Catalonia governed the autonomous Catalan government from 1980 to 2003, under the leadership of Jordi Pujol, with parliamentary absolute majority or in coalition with other smaller parties. The party later governed again from 2010 until its dissolution in 2015.
Sweden: The Swedish Social Democratic Party in Sweden governed from 1932 to 2006, except for some months in 1936 (1936–1939 and 1951–1957 in coalition with the Farmers' League, 1939–1945 at the head of a government of national unity), 1976–1982 and 1991–1994. The party is still the largest party in Sweden and has been so in every general election since 1917 (hence the largest party even before the universal suffrage was introduced in 1921). The former prime minister and party leader Tage Erlander led the Swedish government for an uninterrupted tenure of 23 years (1946–1969), the longest in any democracy so far. Since 2006, the party support has declined, but in 2014, it returned to government, although its centre-left coalition had no majority.
Turkey: In Turkey's single-party period lasting until 1945, the Republican People's Party (CHP) was the major political organisation of the single-party state. However, the CHP faced two opposition parties during this period, both established upon the request of the founder of the Republic of Turkey and CHP leader, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, in efforts to allegedly jump-start multiparty democracy in Turkey.[45] The pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party[note 5] was the dominant party in the mainly Kurdish southeast from 1991 until the 2016 Turkish coup d'état attempt which resulted in massive purges and the takeover of municipalities by the state. The landslide election victories of the Justice and Development Party led to the party gaining majority in parliament between 2002 and 2018.[46] Since the 2018 parliamentary election, the party has minority in the parliament and is in a coalition.[47]
Has won every election to the House of Commons in Scotland from 1964 to 2015, where it was heavily defeated and reduced to 1 seat.[49] It controlled the Scottish Parliament from its inception in 1999 until the 2007 election where it lost to the SNP.[50] It revived as the dominant party in Scotland in 2024.
Israel: Mapai in Israel was the dominant party from the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 (and before 1944 they won the Assembly of Representatives since 1925) until merging into present-day Israeli Labor Party in 1968. The Labor Party started losing influence in the 1970s, particularly following the Yom Kippur War, and eventually lost power in the 1977 election. The Labor Party continued to participate in several coalition governments until 2009.
Kedah: Barisan Nasional (and its predecessor Perikatan), in power from 1955 to 2008, defeated in 2008 election. Regained power in the 2013 state elections, but defeated again in the 2018 election.
Negeri Sembilan: Barisan Nasional (and its predecessor Perikatan), in power from 1955 to 2018, defeated in 2018 election. Currently BN is in a government coalition led by Pakatan Harapan after the 2023 state election.
Penang: Barisan Nasional, in power from 1974 to 2008 under main component party in Penang Gerakan, defeated in 2008 election. Gerakan as a single party also won state election in 1969, winning it from BN predecessor Perikatan, who held power in the state from 1955.
Perak: Barisan Nasional, in power from 1974 to 2008, defeated in 2008 election. BN regained power in 2009 as a result of 2009 Perak constitutional crisis, and won the 2013 Perak state election. BN would lose the Perak government again after defeat in the 2018 state election, but regained power in the wake of 2020 Malaysian political crisis. Its predecessor Perikatan also held power from 1955 to 1969. Currently lead a coalition government with Pakatan Harapan after the 2022 Perak state election.
Perlis: Barisan Nasional (and its predecessor Perikatan), in power from 1955 to 2022, defeated in 2022 election.[52]
Sabah: Barisan Nasional, in power from 1976 to 1985 (led by component party BERJAYA), 1986 to 1990 (led by component party PBS), and from 1994 to 2018 (led by component party UMNO Sabah). Currently BN is in a coalition government with Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS), after the 2020 Sabah state election. PBS also led the state government as a single party from 1985 to 1986, and as part of Gagasan Rakyat coalition from 1990 to 1994. Before BN, Perikatan Sabah (Sabah Alliance) holds power in Sabah from its independence in 1963 to 1976.
Selangor: Barisan Nasional, in power from 1974 to 2008, defeated in 2008 election. Its predecessor Perikatan also held power from 1955 to 1969.
Terengganu: Barisan Nasional (and its predecessor Perikatan), in power from 1955 to 2018, with exception to 1959–1961 and 1999–2004, when the state government were controlled by Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS). Defeated in the 2018 election.
Liberia: True Whig Party ruled consecutively from 1878 to 1980, in a de facto one-party state manner, though the country never explicitly banned opposition parties.
Australia: The Liberal Party (generally in a near-permanent Coalition with the National Party) held power federally from 1949 to 1972 and from 1975 to 1983 (31 out of 34 years). After the expiry of the 46th Parliament in 2022, the Liberal-National Coalition held power for 20 out of the 26 years between 1996 and 2022. Overall from 1949 to 2022, the Liberal Party held power for 52 out of 73 years. The longest-serving Prime Minister was Robert Menzies, who served from 1939 to 1941 (2 years) as a member of the United Australia Party, and from 1949 to 1966 (16 years) as leader of the Liberal Party.
New South Wales: The Labor Party held power from 1941 to 1965 (24 years), and from 1976 to 1988 and 1995 to 2011 (28 out of 35 years) – in total 52 out of 70 years from 1941 to 2011.
Queensland: The Labor Party held power from 1915 to 1929 and from 1932 to 1957 (39 out of 42 years). The National Party then held power from 1957 to 1989 (32 years) with and without the Liberal Party. These were facilitated by a Labor-designed malapportionment that favoured rural districts. The National Party under Joh Bjelke-Petersen increased the malapportionment with the Bjelkemander, allowing them to rule alone without the Liberals, and used the police to suppress dissent and opposition from Labor. The National Party dominance was ended by a corruption inquiry, Bjelke-Petersen was forced to resign in disgrace, and police and politicians were charged with crimes. Since 1989, Labor has held government aside from a National Party government (1996 to 1998) and Liberal-National Party government (2012 to 2015) (28 years of Labor government out of 33 years).
Tasmania: The Labor Party held power from 1934 to 1969 and from 1972 to 1982 (45 out of 48 years), from 1989 to 1992, and from 1998 to 2014 (16 years) – in total 64 out of 80 years from 1934 to 2014.
Victoria: The National Citizens' Reform League (1902–1909), the Deakinite Liberal Party (1909–1917) and the Nationalist Party (1917–1924) consecutively held power from 1902 to 1924 (22 years). The Country Party then ruled from 1924 to 1927 (3 years), followed by the Nationalist Party from 1928 to 1929 (1 year) in a coalition. The Country Party and the United Australia Party (later as the Liberal and Country Party) held power with and without a coalition from 1932 to 1945 (13 years) and 1947 to 1952 (5 years). The Liberal Party then held power from 1955 to 1982 (27 years). In total, centre-right governments ruled 71 out of 80 years from 1902 to 1982.
Western Australia: The Liberal Party held power from 1947 to 1983 with two one-term interruptions between 1953 and 1956 and 1971 to 1974 (30 out of 36 years).
Australian Capital Territory: The Labor Party has held power since 2001 (23 years as of 2024) (in coalition with the ACT Greens since 2012), previously holding government between 1989 and 1995 (24 years out of 30 years since self-government).
^"Natural Governing Party". The Dictionary of Canadian Politics. Campbell Strategies. 2022. Retrieved December 5, 2022.
^"The Wonder Boy". Hoover: An Extraordinary Life in Extraordinary Times. Knopf Doubleday. 2017. p. 338. ISBN9780307743879. The Republicans had come to see themselves as the natural governing party of the United States. Leaving aside the Cleveland and Wilson accidents, they had been in power since Grant's day. If Republican delegates declared an uncharismatic Hoover worthy of the presidency, voters were unlikely to argue.
^Isaacs, R.; Whitmore, S. (2013). "The Limited Agency and Life-Cycles of Personalized Dominant Parties in Post-Soviet Space: The Case of United Russia and Nur Otan". Democratization. 4 (21).
^Przeworski, A. (2000). Democracy and Development: Political Institutions and Well-Being in the World, 1950–1990. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 16.
^David Aprasidze, David S. Siroky: Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket, Politics Gov., Vol. 8, No. 4 (2020).
^Phillip Oravec, Edward C. Holland: The Georgian Dream? Outcomes from the Summer of Protest, 2018, Demokratizatsiya, Vol. 27, No. 2 (2019), pp. 249–256.
^ abBihari, Mihály (2013). "A magyarországi domináns pártrendszer". Politológia: a politika és a modern állam: pártok és ideológiák (in Hungarian). Budapest: Nemzedékek Tudása Tankönyvkiadó. pp. 291–295. ISBN9789631976281.