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The sounds presented in parentheses in the tables below signify they are only found in loanwords from either Persian or Sanskrit. More information about phonology of Hindustani can be read on Hindustani phonology and IPA/Hindi and Urdu.
Vowels
Hindustani natively possesses a symmetrical ten-vowel system. The vowels [ə], [ɪ], [ʊ] are always short in length, while the vowels [ɑː], [iː], [uː], [eː], [oː], [ɛː], [ɔː] are always considered long, in addition to an eleventh vowel /æː/ which is found in Englishloanwords.
[ɛ] occurs as a conditional allophone of /ə/ (schwa) in proximity to /ɦ/, if and only if the /ɦ/ is surrounded on both sides by two schwas.[1] and is realised as separate vowel. For example, in kahanā/kəɦ(ə)naː/ (कहना – کَہنا 'to say'), the /ɦ/ is surrounded on both sides by schwa, hence both the schwas will become fronted to short [ɛ], giving the pronunciation [kɛɦɛnaː]. Syncopation of phonemic middle schwa can further occur to give [kɛɦ.naː].
Similarly, [ɔ] occurs as a conditional allophone of /ə/ and /ʊ/ in proximity to /ɦ/, specifically when they occur in the sequence /əɦʊ/, pronounced [ɔɦɔ]. For example, the word bahut/bəɦʊt/ (बहुत – بہت 'many') is pronounced [bɔɦɔt].
Consonants
Hindustani has a core set of 28 consonants inherited from earlier Indo-Aryan. Supplementing these are two consonants that are internal developments in specific word-medial contexts,[2] and seven consonants originally found in loan words, whose expression is dependent on factors such as status (class, education, etc.) and cultural register (Modern Standard Hindi vs Urdu).
Allophony of [v] and [w]
[v] and [w] are allophones in Hindustani. These are distinct phonemes in English, but both are allophones of the phoneme /ʋ/ in Hindustani (written ⟨व⟩ in Hindi or ⟨و⟩ in Urdu), including loanwords of Arabic and Persian origin. More specifically, they are conditional allophones, i.e. rules apply on whether ⟨व⟩ is pronounced as [v] or [w] depending on context. Native Hindi speakers pronounce ⟨व⟩ as [v] in vrat (व्रत – ورت, 'vow') and [w] in pakwān (पकवान – پکوان 'food dish'), treating them as a single phoneme and without being aware of the allophonic distinctions, though these are apparent to native English speakers. The rule is that the consonant is pronounced as semivowel [w] in onglide position, i.e. between an onset consonant and a following vowel.[3]
Consonants and vowels are outlined in the table below.[4][5] Hovering the mouse cursor over them will reveal the appropriate IPA information, while in the rest of the article hovering the mouse cursor over underlined forms will reveal the appropriate English translation.
Hindustani distinguishes two genders (masculine and feminine), two noun types (count and non-count), two numbers (singular and plural), and three cases (nominative, oblique, and vocative).[7] Nouns may be further divided into two classes based on declension, called type-I, type-II, and type-III. The basic difference between the two categories is that the former two have characteristic terminations in the nominative singular while the latter does not.[8]
The table below displays the suffix paradigms. A hyphen symbol (for the marked type-I) denotes change from the original termination to another (for example laṛkā to laṛke in the masculine singular oblique), whereas a plus sign (for the unmarked type-II) denotes an ending which should be added (seb to sebõ in the masculine plural oblique). -Ø denotes that no suffix is added to the noun stem. The next table of noun declensions shows the above noun case paradigms in action.[9]
Singular
Plural
Translation
Nominative
Oblique
Vocative
Nominative
Oblique
Vocative
m.
I
-ā laṛkā
-e laṛke
-e laṛke
-õ laṛkõ
-o laṛko
boy
II
-ī ādmī
-iyõ ādmiyõ
-iyo ādmiyo
man
-ū cāqū
-uõ cāquõ
-uo cāquo
knife
III
-Ø seb
+õ sebõ
+o sebo
apple
f.
I
-ī, -i, -iyā laṛkī
-iyā̃ laṛkīyā̃
-iyõ laṛkīyõ
-iyo laṛkīyo
girl
II
-Ø bhāṣā
+ẽ bhāṣāẽ
+õ bhāṣāõ
+o bhāṣāo
language
Notesː
The semi-consonant-y- is added after the noun stem before adding the declension suffix in the plural declension when the noun stem ends in a vowel.[10]
A small number of marked masculine nouns like kuā̃ display nasalization of all terminations.[11]
Some masculine nouns (which refer to family relations) ending in -ā do not change in the nominative plural and fall in the unmarked category. i.e. pāpā "father", vālid "father", cācā "uncle", rājā "king".[12]
Unmarked nouns ending in -ū and -ī generally shorten this to -u and -i before the oblique (and vocative) plural terminations, with the latter also inserting the semivowel y.[12][13][14]
Many feminine Sanskrit loanwords such as bhāṣā ('language') and mātā (mother) end in -ā, therefore the ending -ā is not always a reliable indicator of noun gender.[12]
In Urdu, many Arabic words may retain their original dual and plural markings in Urdu. i.e. vālid "father" → vālidain "parents".
The -iyā ending is also not always a reliable indicator of gender or noun type. Some words such as pahiyā ('wheel') and Persiantakiyā ('pillow') are masculine type-I: pahiye ('wheels'), takiye ('pillows'). Feminine loanwords such as Arabicduniyā ('world') and Sanskritkriyā ('action') use feminine type-II endings: duniyāẽ ('worlds'), kriyāẽ ('actions').
Perso-Arabicloans ending in final unpronounced -h are handled as masculine marked nouns.[15] Hence bacca(h) → baccā. The former is the Urdu spelling, the latter the Hindi. The pronunciation is baccā in both cases.
Adjectives
Adjectives may be divided into declinable and indeclinable categories.[16][17] Declinables are marked, through termination, for the gender, number, case of the nouns they qualify. The set of declinable adjective terminations is similar but greatly simplified in comparison to that of noun terminations. Indeclinable adjectives are completely invariable, and can end in either consonants or vowels (including ā and ī). A number of declinables display nasalisation of all terminations.[16] Nominative masculine singular form (-ā) is the citation form.
All adjectives can be used either attributively, predicatively, or substantively. Substantively they are declined as nouns rather than adjectives. The semblative postpositionsā is used with adjectives for modifying or lightening their meaning; giving them an "-ish", "-esque", "like", or "quite" sense. e.g. nīlā "blue" → nīlā sā "bluish". Its emphasis is rather ambiguous, sometimes enhancing, sometimes toning down, the sense of the adjective.[18]
Comparisons are made by using the instrumentalpostpositionse (see below) the noun takes the oblique case and the combination of "noun + postposition" gets the instrumental case, and words like aur, zyādā ("more") and kam ("less") are added for relative comparisons. The word for "more" (zyādā) is optional, while "less" (kam) is required, so that in the absence of either, "more" will be inferred.
Hindustani
Gītā
gita
Gautam-se
than gautam
lambī
tall
hai
is
Gītā Gautam-se lambī hai
gita {than gautam} tall is
Gita is taller than Gautam.
Gītā
gita
Gautam-se
than gautam
zyādā
more
lambī
tall
hai
is
Gītā Gautam-se zyādā lambī hai
gita {than gautam} more tall is
Gita is taller than Gautam.
Gītā
gita
Gautam-se
than gautam
adhik
more
lambī
tall
hai
is
Gītā Gautam-se adhik lambī hai
gita {than gautam} more tall is
Gita is taller than Gautam.
Gītā
gita
Gautam-se
than gautam
aur
more
lambī
tall
hai
is
Gītā Gautam-se aur lambī hai
gita {than gautam} more tall is
Gita is even more tall than Gautam.
Gītā
gita
Gautam
gautam
jitnī
as much
lambī
tall
hai
is
Gītā Gautam jitnī lambī hai
gita gautam {as much} tall is
Gita is as tall as Gautam.
Gītā
gita
Gautam-se
than gautam
kam
less
lambī
tall
hai
is
Gītā Gautam-se kam lambī hai
gita {than gautam} less tall is
Gita is less tall than Gautam.
In the absence of an object of comparison the word for "more" is now no longer optional:
baccā
kid
zyādā
more
baṛā
big
hai
is
baccā zyādā baṛā hai
kid more big is
The kid is bigger.
baccā
kid
adhik
more
baṛā
big
hai
is
baccā adhik baṛā hai
kid more big is
The kid is bigger.
zyādā
more
baṛā
big
baccā
kid
zyādā baṛā baccā
more big kid
The bigger kid.
aur
more
baṛā
big
baccā
kid
aur baṛā baccā
more big kid
The bigger kid.
baccā
kid
utnā hi
just as much
lambā
tall/long
hai
is
baccā {utnā hi} lambā hai
kid {just as much} tall/long is
The kid is just as tall (as someone else).
utnā hī
just as much
baṛā
big
baccā
kid
{utnā hī} baṛā baccā
{just as much} big kid
The just as big kid.
baccā
kid
kam
less
baṛā
big
hai
is
baccā kam baṛā hai
kid less big is
The kid is less big.
kam
less
baṛā
big
baccā
kid
kam baṛā baccā
less big kid
The shorter kid.
Superlatives are made through comparisons with sab ("all") with the instrumental postpositionse as the suffix. Comparisons using "least" are rare; it is more common to use an antonym.
kamrā
room
sabse
than all
sāf
clean
hai
is
kamrā sabse sāf hai
room {than all} clean is
The room is the cleanest
sabse
than all
sāf
clean
kamrā
room
sabse sāf kamrā
{than all} clean room
The cleanest room.
kamrā
room
sabse
than all
kam
less
sāf
clean
hai
is
kamrā sabse kam sāf hai
room {than all} less clean is
The room is the least clean
sabse
than all
kam
less
sāf
clean
kamrā
room
sabse kam sāf kamrā
{than all} less clean room
The least clean room
kamrā
room
sabse
than all
gandā
dirty
hai
is
kamrā sabse gandā hai
room {than all} dirty is
The room is the dirtiest
sabse
than all
gandā
dirty
kamrā
room
sabse gandā kamrā
{than all} dirty room
The dirtiest room.
In Sanskritised and Persianised registers of Hindustani, comparative and superlative adjectival forms using suffixes derived from those languages can be found.[19]
The numeral systems of several of the Indo-Aryan languages, including Hindustani and Nepali, are typical decimal systems, but contracted to the extent that nearly every number 1–99 is irregular.[20] The first four, and sixth, ordinal numbers are also irregular. The suffix -vā̃ marks ordinals five and seven onwards. The ordinals decline in the same way as the declinable adjectives. The suffix -gunā (translates as "times" as in multiplying) marks the multipliers which for the first three multipliers changes the numeral root. The collective forms of numerals take the same form as the oblique plural case for masculine nouns. They are formed by adding the suffix -õ''. There are two types of adverbials. The first type is formed using the suffix -bārā but only for the numerals 2, 3, and 4 (but it's rarely used for 3 and even more rarely for 4). The second type of adverbial is constructed periphrastically using the quantifier bār meaning "times" (as in turns). The adverbial "dobārā" could be translated as "again" or "for a second time", similarly "tibārā" and "caubārā" mean "for a third time" and "for a fourth time" respectively. However, the periphrasatic adverbial constructions "do bār", "tīn bār" etc. translate as "two times", "three times" etc. respectively.
Numeral
English
Cardinals
Ordinals
Multipliers
Collective
Adverbial
Fractional
0
zero
śūnyaH,sifarU
śūnyavā̃H,sifarvā̃U
śūnyagunā
—
—
śūnya bār
—
1
one
ek
pehlā, prathamH, avvalU
ekgunā
—
—
ek bār
pūrā
2
two
do
dūsrā, dvitīyaH, domU
dugnā, dogunā
donõ
dobārā, dubārā
do bār
ādhā
3
three
tīn
tīsrā, tṛtīyaH, somU
tigunā, tīngunā
tīnõ
tibārā
tīn bār
tihāī
4
four
cār
cauthā, caturthH, cahāramU
caugunā, cārgunā
cārõ
caubārā
cār bār
cauthāī
5
five
pā̃c
pā̃cvā̃, pañcamH, pãjamU
pā̃cgunā, pacgunā
pācõ
—
pā̃c bār
—
6
six
cheh
chaṭhā, chaṭhvā̃, ṣaṣṭH, šašmU
chehgunā
cheõ
—
cheh bār
—
7
seven
sāt
sātvā̃, saptamH, haftamU
sātgunā
sātõ
—
sāt bār
—
8
eight
āṭh
āṭhvā̃, așțamH, haštamU
āṭhgunā
āṭhõ
—
āṭh bār
—
9
nine
nau
nauvā̃, navā̃, navamH, nahamU
naugunā
nauõ
—
nau bār
—
10
ten
das
dasvā̃, dašamH, dahamU
dasgunā
dasõ
—
das bār
dašam
100
hundred
sau, šatH, sadU
sauvā̃, šatatamH, sadumU
saugunā
sauõ
—
sau bār
—
1,000
thousand
sahas, sahasraH, hazārB
sahasvā̃, sahasratamH, hazārumH, hazārvā̃B
sahasgunā, hazārgunā
sahasõ, hazārõ
—
sahas bār, hazār bār
—
100,000
hundred thousand
lākh
lākhvā̃
lākhgunā
lākhõ
—
lākh bār
—
10,000,000
ten million
karoṛ, koțiH
karoṛvā̃, koțitamH
karoṛguna
karoṛõ
—
karoṛ bār
—
H = Hindi; U = Urdu; B = Both but comes from Persian
Postpositions
The aforementioned inflectionalcase system only goes so far on its own, and rather serves as that upon which is built a system of agglutinativesuffixes or particles known as postpositions, which parallel English's prepositions. It is their use with a noun or verb that necessitates the noun or verb taking the oblique case (though the bare oblique is also sometimes used adverbially[21]), and it is with them that the locus of grammatical function or "case-marking" then lies. There are eight such "one-word" primary case-marking postpositions.
Out of these 8 postpositions, the genitive and semblative postpositions kā & sā decline to agree with the gender, number, and case of the object it shows possession of and the object whose semblance is described.
For some verbs like bolnā (to speak/say), the speaker can use both the instrumental marker se and the accusative/dative marker ko. For example, rāhul se bolo and rāhul ko bolo both translate to the same "Say it to Rahul.". However, the nuance expressed by both are different, instrumental marker se has a softer tone to it. rāhul se bolo is more like a suggestion in form of an imperative while rāhul ko bolo is an order.
Beyond the list above, there is a large range of compound postpositions, constructed majoritarily from the genitive marker kā (in its oblique cases ke & kī) plus an adverb. When using with pronouns, these all the compound postpositions can only be used with the genitive oblique case pronouns and the genitive kī/ke must be omitted before attaching them with the genitive oblique case.
Some other compound postpositions with two secondary postpositions (called tertiary postposition) can be constructed by adding primary postpositions to some of the compound postpositions shown above.
Hindustani has personal pronouns for the first and second persons, while for the third person demonstratives are used, which can be categorised deictically as proximate and non-proximate.[24]tū, tum, and āp are the three 2P pronouns, constituting a threefold scale of sociolinguistic formality: respectively, intimate, familiar, and formal. The 2P intimate conjugations are grammatically singular while the 2P familiar and formal conjugations are grammatically plural.[19] For the non-personal pronouns (demonstrative, relative, and interrogative) the plural forms are also the formal forms.[25][26]Pronouns in Hindustani do not distinguish gender however they distinguish the nominative, oblique, and the common accusative/dativegrammatical cases. The latter-most, often called a set of contracted forms, is used synonymously with the dative/accusative pronoun constructed from the oblique case by suffixing the dative/accusative postpositionko. So, for e.g., mujhe and mujhko are synonymous dative/accusative pronouns.
The 1P and 2P pronouns (except the formal 2P pronoun āp) have their own distinctive genitive forms merā, hamārā, terā, & tumhārā unlike the non-personal pronouns whose genitive forms are constructed employing the oblique case pronoun to which the genitive postposition kā is suffixed (OBL. + kā). The personal pronouns (except the formal 2P āp) colloquially can also take the genitive oblique case before primary postpositions. So, instead of mujhe or mujhko, the periphrastic construction mere ko is fairly commonly heard as a synonym to mujhe/mujhko in colloquial speech.
To construct the ergative case pronouns, the ergative postposition ne is suffixed to the nominative case forms rather than the oblique case forms for the personal pronouns, while the demonstrative, relative, and interrogative pronouns have unique ergative oblique case forms to which ne gets suffixed. So, rather than *mujh-ne and *tujh-ne, it's maĩ-ne and tū-ne, and for the non-personal pronouns (e.g., for demonstrative plural) it's inhõ-ne and unhõ-ne. The 1P plural and the 2P familiar pronouns also have an emphatic ergative case form which respectively are hamī̃ne and tumhī̃ne which are derived using the exclusive emphatic particle hī as ham + hī + ne and tum + hī + ne. For the rest of the personal pronouns, the inclusive emphatic particle hī must come after the pronoun in ergative case and never between the pronoun and the postposition ne. So, rather than *maĩ-hī-ne, it's periphrastically constructed as maĩne hī. As for the non-personal pronouns, both ways of constructing the emphatic forms are grammatically valid. So, for e.g. the demonstrative proximal singular emphatic pronoun isīne and isne hī are synonymous. The emphatic forms for the relative pronouns are constructed periphrastically as well, but they instead use the inclusive emphatic particle bhī. So, the emphatic form of the relative singular ergative pronoun jisne is jisne bhī meaning "whoever" and not *jis-bhī-ne, which not a valid construction.
Compound postpositions must be used with the genitive oblique cases when using them with the personal pronouns (except the 2P formal āp). So, when using the compound postposition ke andar – "inside", *mujh-ke andar and *mujh andar are grammatically invalid constructions and instead it should be mere andar –"inside me". The compound postpositions that have the primary postposition kī in place of kā must have the genitive oblique case declined to the feminine gender. So, when using the postposition kī taraf – "towards", it should be merī taraf and not *mere taraf.
Postpositions are treated as bound morphemes after pronouns in Hindi, but as separate words in Urdu.[28]
The varying forms for the demonstrative nominative case pronouns constitute one of the small number of grammatical differences between Hindi and Urdu. In Hindi, yah "this" / ye "these" / vah "that" / ve "those" are considered the literary pronoun set while in Urdu, ye "this, these" / vo "that, those" is the only pronoun set.
The above section on postpositions noted that ko (the dative/accusative case) marks direct objects if definite. As "the most specific thing of all is an individual", persons (or their pronouns) nearly always take the dative case or postposition.[29]
It is very common practice to use plural pronouns (and their accompanying conjugation) in formal situations, thus tum can be used in the second person when referring to one person. Similarly, some speakers prefer plural ham over singular maĩ. This is usually not quite the same as the "royal we"; it is rather colloquial.[30]
Reflexive pronouns
apnā is a (genitive) reflexive pronoun: "my/your/etc. (own)".[31] Using non-reflexive and reflexive together gives emphasis; e.g. merā apnā "my (very) own".[32]xud, āp, and svayam are some (nominative; non-genitive) others: "my/your/etc.-self".[33] Bases for oblique usage are usually apne (self) or apne āp (automatically). The latter alone can also mean "of one's own accord"; āpas mẽ means "among/between oneselves".[34]
Reflexive Pronouns
Case
Singular
Plural
Singular
Plural
Translation
Masculine
Feminine
Undeclinable
Nominative
&
Oblique
xud
self
svayam
self
apne āp
by oneself, automatically
āpas mẽ
among oneselves
Declinable
Nominative
apnā
apne
apnī
apnī
of one's own
Oblique
with noun
apne
sans noun
apnõ
apniyõ
Indefinite quantifier pronouns
koī and kuch are indefinite pronouns/quantifiers. As pronouns, koī is used for animate singular ("someone") and kuch for animate plural and inanimates ("something").[35] As quantifiers/adjectives koī is used for singular count nouns and kuch for mass nouns and plural count nouns. koī takes the form kisī in the oblique. The form kaī is a paucal equivalent to koī, being used in the context of "several" or "a few" things.[36]kuch can also act as an adverb, qualifying an adjective, meaning "rather". koī preceding a number takes the meaning of "about, approximately". In this usage it does not oblique to kisī.[37]
Indefinite quantifier
pronouns
nominative
oblique
Translation
animate
inanimate
animate
inanimate
singular
with noun
koī
kuch
kisī
kisī
someone,
something
sans noun
—
—
paucal
with noun
kuch
kuch
some
sans noun
kuchõ
—
plural
with noun
kaī
kaī
several
sans noun
kaiyõ
—
Adverbial pronouns
Interrogative
Relative
Demonstrative
Proximal
Distant
Undeclinable
Time
kab
jab
ab
tab
Direction
kidhar
jidhar
idhar
udhar
Place
kahā̃
jahā̃
yahā̃
vahā̃
Manner
kaise
jaise
aise
vaise
Declinable
Quantity
kitnā
jitnā
itnā
utnā
Quality
kaisā
jaisā
aisā
vaisā
Note:
The feminine plural forms are commonly used as singular respect forms and the feminine singular forms often are used interchangeably with the feminine plural forms.
The declension pattern followed is the same as how genitive pronouns and postpositions decline.
Emphatic pronouns
Emphatic pronouns of Hindustani are formed by combining the exclusive emphatic particle hī or the inclusive emphatic particle bhī (with the interrogatory and relative pronouns respectively) and the pronoun in their regular oblique and nominative case. Usually, combining the emphatic particles and the pronouns with end with the consonant -h form a new set of emphatic nominative case and emphatic oblique case pronouns. The rest of the pronouns can also be combined with the exclusive emphatic particle but they do not form true pronouns, but simply add the emphatic particle as an adposition after them. The Relative and Interrogatory pronouns can only take the inclusive emphatic particle bhī as an adposition and never the exclusive emphatic particle hī.
Personal
Demonstrative
1st person
2nd person
3rd person
Singular
Plural
Singular
Plural
Proximal
Non-proximal
Intimate
Familiar
Formal
Singular
Plural
Singular
Plural
Nominative
—
hamī̃
—
tumhī̃
—
yahī
—
vahī
—
Oblique
Emphatic
mujhī
tujhī
isī
inhī̃
usī
unhī̃
Adverbs
Hindustani has few underived forms.[38]Adverbs may be derived in ways such as the following —
Simply obliquing some nouns and adjectives:
nīcā "low" → nīce "down"
sīdhā "straight" → sīdhe "straight"
dhīrā "slow" → dhīre "slowly"
saverā "morning" → savere "in the morning"
ye taraf "this direction" → is taraf "in this direction/this way"
The Hindustani verbal system is largely structured around a combination of aspect and tense/mood. Like the nominal system, the Hindustani verb involves successive layers of (inflectional) elements to the right of the lexical base.[40]
Hindustani has 3 aspects: perfective, habitual, and progressive, each having overt morphological correlates.[21] These are participle forms, inflecting for gender and number by way of a vowel termination, like adjectives.[41] The perfective, though displaying a "number of irregularities and morphophonemic adjustments", is the simplest, being just the verb stem followed by the agreement vowel. The habitual forms from the imperfective participle; verb stem, plus -t-, then vowel. The continuous forms periphrastically through compounding (see below) with the perfective of rahnā "to stay".
Non-aspectual forms include the infinitive, the imperative, and the conjunctive. Mentioned morphological conditions such as the subjunctive, "presumptive", etc. are applicable to both copula roots for auxiliary usage with aspectual forms and to non-copula roots directly for often unspecified (non-aspectual) finite forms.
Tabled below on the left are the paradigms for adjectival concord (A), here only slightly different from that introduced previously: the f. pl. can nasalise under certain conditions. To the right are the paradigms for personal concord (P), used by the subjunctive.
(A)
Sg.
Pl.
Masc.
-ā
-e
Fem.
-ī
-ī / ī̃
(P)
1st
Person
2nd Person
3rd Person
Intimate
Familiar
Formal
Proximal
Distal
Proximal Formal
Distal Formal
Singular
-ū̃
-e
-o
-ẽ
-e
-ẽ
Plural
-ẽ
doesn't exist
-ẽ
Copula in Hindustani
All the verbs in Hindustani except the verb honā (to be) are defective and cannot be conjugated into these following moods and tenses in their non-aspectual forms (or simple aspect):
present indicative
imperfect indicative
presumptive mood
present subjunctive
The verb honā (to be) serves as the copula whose conjugations are used to form the three aspectual (or compound) forms of verbs (habitual, perfective, and progressive). In the tables below all the conjugations of the copula honā (to be) are shown on the left and all the conjugations of the verb karnā (to do) (like which all other verbs have conjugations) are shown on the right.
PERSONAL FORMS of "honā (to be)"
mood
tense
singular
plural
1P – maĩ
2P – tum1
3P – yah/ye, vah/vo
1P – ham
2P – āp1
2P – tū
3P – ye, ve/vo
m.
f.
m.
f.
m.
f.
m.
f.
indicative
present
hū̃
ho
hai
haĩ
perfect
huā
huī
hue
huī
huā
huī
hue
huī̃
imperfect
thā
thī
the
thī
thā
thī
the
thī̃
future
hoū̃gā / hū̃gā
hoū̃gī / hū̃gī
hooge / hoge
hoogī / hogī
hoegā / hogā
hoegī / hogī
hoẽge / hõge
hoẽgī / hõgī
presumptive
all
hū̃gā
hū̃gī
hoge
hogī
hogā
hogī
hõge
hõgī
subjunctive
present
hū̃
ho
ho
hõ
future
hoū̃
hoo
hoe
hoẽ
contrafactual2
past
hotā
hotī
hote
hotī
hotā
hotī
hote
hotī̃
imperative
present
—
hoo
ho
hoiye
future
—
honā
hoiyo
hoiyegā
conjugations of "karnā (to do)"
mood
tense
singular
plural
1P – maĩ
2P – tum1
3P – yah/ye, vah/vo
1P – ham
2P – āp1
2P – tū
3P – ye, ve/vo
m.
f.
m.
f.
m.
f.
m.
f.
indicative
perfect
kiyā
kī
kiye
kī
kiyā
kī
kiye
kī̃
future
karū̃gā
karū̃gī
karoge
karogī
karegā
karegī
karẽge
karẽgī
subjunctive
future
karū̃
karo
kare
karẽ
contrafactual
past
kartā
kartī
karte
kartī
kartā
kartī
karte
kartī̃
imperative
present
—
karo
kar
kariye / kījiye
future
—
karnā
kariyo
kariyegā / kījiyegā
1the pronouns tum and āp can be used in both singular and plural sense by adding plural indicator wordslike sab (all) and log (people), akin to the English pronouns you and y'all.
2 the contrafactual mood serves as both the past subjunctive and the past conditional mood.
Compound tenses
Periphrastic Hindustani verb forms consist of two elements. The first of these two elements is the aspect marker. The second element (the copula) is the common tense-mood marker.[10]
Mood & aspects
Hindustani has three aspects, Habitual aspect, Perfective Aspect and the Progressive Aspect.[10] To construct the progressive aspect and forms, Hindustani makes use of the progressive participle rahā which is derived from the verb rahnā ("to stay" or "to remain"). Unlike English and many other Indo-European languages, Hindustani does differentiate between Continuous and the Progressive aspects. So, for e.g. the sentence "maĩ śarṭ pahan rahā hū̃" will always translate as "I am (in the process) of wearing a shirt." and it can never be used to mean "I am (already) wearing a shirt.". In English, however, "I am wearing a shirt." can be used to mean both the idea of progressive action and a continuous action. To convey the continuous state of an action the perfective adjectival participle is employed. So, "I am (already) wearing a shirt." translates into Hindustani as "maĩ śarṭ pahnā huā hū̃." All the personal compound forms of the verb karnā (to do) in all three aspects and all the grammatical moods are shown in the table below:
Compound Aspectual Forms
mood
tense
singular
plural
1P – maĩ
2P – tum1
3P – yah/ye, vah/vo
1P – ham
2P – āp1
2P – tū
3P – ye, ve/vo
m.
f.
m.
f.
m.
f.
m.
f.
HABITUAL ASPECT2
indicative
present
kartā hū̃
kartī hū̃
karte ho
kartī ho
kartā hai
kartī hai
karte haĩ
kartī haĩ
past
kartā thā
kartī thī
karte the
kartī thī
kartā thā
kartī thī
karte the
kartī thī̃
presumptive
present
kartā hū̃gā
kartī hū̃gī
karte hoge
kartī hogī
kartā hogā
kartī hogī
karte hõge
kartī hõgī
past
subjunctive
present
kartā hū̃
kartī hū̃
karte ho
kartī ho
kartā ho
kartī ho
kartā hõ
kartī hõ
contrafactual
past
kartā hotā
kartī hotī
karte hote
kartī hotī
kartā hotā
kartī hotī
karte hote
kartī hotī̃
PERFECTIVE ASPECT3
indicative
present
—
—
—
—
kiyā hai
kī hai
kiye haĩ
kī haĩ
past
—
—
—
—
kiyā thā
kī thī
kiye the
kī thī̃
future
—
—
—
—
kiyā hoegā
kī hoegī
kiye hoẽge
kī hoẽgī
presumptive
present
—
—
—
—
kiyā hogā
kī hogī
kiye hõge
kī hõgī
past
future
subjunctive
present
—
—
—
—
kiyā ho
kī ho
kiye hõ
kī hõ
future
—
—
—
—
kiyā hoe
kī hoe
kiye hoẽ
kī hoẽ
contrafactual
past
—
—
—
—
kiyā hotā
kī hotī
kiye hote
kī hotī̃
PROGRESSIVE ASPECT4
indicative
present
kar rahā hū̃
kar rahī hū̃
kar rahe ho
kar rahī ho
kar rahā hai
kar rahī hai
kar rahe haĩ
kar rahī haĩ
past
kar rahā thā
kar rahī thī
kar rahe the
kar rahī thī
kar rahā thā
kar rahī thī
kar rahe the
kar rahī thī̃
future
kar rahā hoū̃gā
kar rahī hoū̃gī
kar rahe hooge
kar rahī hoogī
kar rahā hoegā
kar rahī hoegī
kar rahe hoẽge
kar rahī hoẽgī
presumptive
present
kar rahā hū̃gā
kar rahī hū̃gī
kar rahe hoge
kar rahī hogī
kar rahā hogā
kar rahī hogī
kar rahe hõge
kar rahī hõgī
past
future
subjunctive
present
kar rahā hū̃
kar rahī hū̃
kar rahe ho
kar rahī ho
kar rahā ho
kar rahī ho
kar rahe hõ
kar rahī hõ
future
kar rahā hoū̃
kar rahī hoū̃
kar rahe hoo
kar rahī hoo
kar rahā hoe
kar rahī hoe
kar rahe hoẽ
kar rahī hoẽ
contrafactual
past
kar rahā hotā
kar rahī hotī
kar rahe hote
kar rahī hotī
kar rahā hotā
kar rahī hotī
kar rahe hote
kar rahī hotī̃
1the pronouns tum and āp can be used in both singular and plural sense, akin to the English pronoun you.
2the habitual aspect of Hindustani cannot be put into future tense.
3the perfective aspect behaves ergatively, agreeing with the object of the sentence. However, if the object is marked with the postposition ko, the noun is placed in the third-person masculine singular. As personal object pronouns are always marked with ko, there are no personal perfective forms.
4unlike English in which both the continuous and the progressive aspect have the same forms, the progressive aspect of Hindustani cannot convey the continuous aspect.
Different copulas
The habitual, progressive, and imperfect aspectual participles can be used with copulas other than honā(to be) such as rahnā (to stay), ānā (to come), jānā (to go).[9] These copulas can be converted into their participle forms and can be conjugated to form personal compound aspectual forms. Each of the four copulas provides a unique nuance to the aspect.
ASPECT
Translation
Simple
Perfective
Habitual
Progressive
honā
huā honā
huā karnā
huā rahnā
huā jānā
huā ānā
hotā honā
hotā rahnā
hotā ānā
hotā jānā
ho rahā honā
ho rahā rahnā
to happen
karnā
kiyā honā
kiyā karnā
kiyā rahnā
kiyā janā
kiyā anā
kartā honā
kartā rahnā
kartā ānā
kartā jānā
kar rahā honā
kar rahā rahnā
to do
marnā
marā honā
marā karnā
marā rahnā
marā jānā
marā ānā
martā honā
martā rahnā
martā ānā
martā jānā
mar rahā honā
mar rahā rahnā
to die
Participles
The participle forms of any verb is constructed by adding suffixes to the verb root. The participle forms of the verb karnā(to do) are shown in the tables below:
Undeclinable
Verb forms
English equivalent
Infinitive
karnā
to do
ObliqueInfinitive
karne
do, doing
Conjunctive
karke, karkar
after/by doing
Progressive
karte-karte
while doing
Declinable
Habitual
kartā (sg., masc.)
karte (pl., masc.)
kartī (sg., pl. fem.)
kartī̃ (pl., fem.)
does/do,
used to do
Perfective
kiyā (sg., masc.)
kiye (pl., masc.)
kī (sg., fem.)
kī̃ (pl., fem.)
did
Infinitive
karnā (sg., masc.)
karne (pl., masc.)
karnī (sg., fem.)
karnī̃ (pl., fem.)
to do
Prospective &
Agentive
karnevālā (sg., masc.)
karnevāle (pl., masc.)
karnevālī (sg., pl. fem.)
karnevālī̃ (pl., fem.)
going to do
Perfective Adjectival
kiyā-huā (sg., masc.)
kiye-hue (pl., masc.)
kī-huī (sg. fem.)
kī-huī̃ (pl. fem.)
(already) done
Habitual Adjectival
kartā-huā (sg., masc.)
karte-hue (pl., masc.)
kartī-huī (sg., fem.)
kartī-huī̃ (pl., fem.)
while doing
Verb forms
A summary of all verb forms is given in the tables below. The sample verb is intransitive dauṛnā "to run", and the sample inflection is 3rd. masc. sg. (P = e, A = ā) where applicable.
Much of the above chart information derives from Masica (1991:292–294, 323–325).
The future tense is formed by adding the suffix gā (~ ge ~ gī) to the subjunctive, which is a contraction of gaā (= gayā, perfective participle of jānā "to go").[41] The future suffix, conjunctive participle, and suffix vālā are treated as bound morphemes in written Hindi, but as separate words in written Urdu.[28]
^ The present copula (h-?) seems not to follow along the lines of the regular P system of terminations; while the subjunctive copula (ho-P) is thoroughly irregular. So here are all of their forms.
Shapiro (2003:268) lists the formal imperative ending as -iye, while Schmidt (2003:330) lists it as -ie but -iye after ā, o, ū.
The euphonic glidey is inserted in perfective participles between prohibited vowel clusters. It is historically the remnant of the old perfective marker.[44] The clusters are a + ā, ā + ā, o + ā, and ī + ā, resulting in āyā, ayā, oyā, iyā.[45] e.g. khāyā/khāye/khāyī/khāyī̃ (khā- "eat").
In addition, the combinations ī + ī and i + ī give ī.[45] e.g. piyā/piye/pī/pī̃ (pī- "drink").
As stated, agreement in the transitive perfective is with the direct object, with the erstwhile subject taking the ergative postposition ne. If however the direct object takes the postposition ko (marking definiteness), or if no direct object is expressed, then agreement neutralises to default m. sg. -ā.[46]
In this regard, there are a small number of verbs that while perhaps logically transitive still do not take ne and continue to agree with the subject, in the perfective. e.g. lānā "to bring", bhūlnā "to forget", milnā "to meet", etc.
Besides supplying the copulas, honā "to be" can be used aspectually: huā "happened, became"; hotā "happens, becomes, is"; ho rahā "happening, being".
-ke can be used as a colloquial alternative to -kar for the conjunctive participle of any verb.
Hindustani displays a very small number of irregular forms, spelled out in the cells below. Historically, there were many more irregular forms (e.g. muā for marnā 'to die') but most have been regularised. Notably, some dialects regularise the perfective of karnā to karā and the formal imperative of kijiye to kariye.
The irregular forms are underlined in the above table.
There are two subjunctive stems for the verb honā, one being regular and the other being irregular. The regular set is the future subjunctive forms and the regular ones are the as the present subjunctive forms. honā is the only verb in Hindi to have distinct forms for the future and the present subjunctive, for all other forms there is one common subjunctive form which is used as both the present and the future subjunctive.
However, it is jā- that is used as the perfective stem in the rare instance of an intransitive verb like jānā being expressed passively, such as in a passivized imperative/subjunctive construction: ghar jāyā jāye? "Shall [we] go home?" (lit. "Shall home be gone to [by us]?").[49]
Set of related verbs
Transitives are morphologically contrastive in Hindustani, leading to the existence of related verb sets divisible along such lines. While the derivation of such forms shows patterns, they do reach a level of variegation so as to make it somewhat difficult to outline all-encompassing rules. Furthermore, some sets may have as many as four to five distinct members; also, the meaning of certain members of given sets may be idiosyncratic.[50]
These below are the verb forms that a verb in Hindi can have —
Intransitive
Involitional — these are actions that cannot be done intentionally.
Dative — these involitional verbs require the subject to be in the dative case.[51]
Non-dative — these verbs require the verb to be in the nominative case.
Volitional — these are actions that can be intentionally done.[52]
Ergative — these verbs can take in the ergative case (the subject can be in the ergative case).
Non-ergative — these verbs cannot take in the ergative case (the subject can only be in the nominative case).
Transitive
Direct — the subject themselves experiences the action but the subject and the object are not the same
Indirect — the subject imparts the action onto the object, the object is the experiencer of the action, it is usually translated into English as "to make (someone/something) verb"
Reflexive — the verb does action on the subject itself, the doer and experiencer of the action is the same subject
Causative — the subject causes the action to happen. Translationː"to cause to be verbed", the agent takes the instrumental postposition se. Thus Y se Z banvānā = "to cause Z to be made by Y" = "to cause Y to make Z" = "to have Z made by Y" = "to have Y make Z", etc.
Starting from direct transitive verb forms, the other verb stems i.e., intransitive, causative, reflexive, indirect stems are produced according to these following (not exhaustive) assorted rules[53][54] —
Root vowel changeː
a → ā
u / ū → o
i / ī → e
Sometimes the root vowel change accompanies the root's final consonant changeː
k → c
ṭ → r̥
l → Ø
Suffixation of -ā to form the indirect or reflexive formː
Root vowel changeː ū/o → u; e/ai/ā/ī → i
Insertion of semivowell between such vowel-terminating stems
Suffixation of -vā (in place of -ā where it would occur) to form the causative verb stem
Set of related verbs
English
verbs
Intransitive
Transitive
involitional
volitional
direct
indirect
reflexive
causative
non-dative
dative
non-ergative
ergative
be, become
honā
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
happen, have
—
honā
hovānā
do
—
—
—
—
karnā
karānā
—
karvānā
fall
girnā
—
—
—
—
girānā
—
girvānā
prepare
bannā
—
—
—
—
banānā
—
banvānā
send
bhijnā
—
—
—
bhejnā
—
bhejānā
bhijvānā
dance
nacnā
—
—
nācnā
—
nacānā
—
nacvānā
be found
milnā
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
unite, mix
—
milānā
milvānā
receive
—
milnā
—
dilvānā
open
khulnā
—
—
—
kholnā
—
khulānā
khulvānā
kholānā
kholvānā
learn
—
—
—
—
sīkhnā
sikhānā
—
sikhvānā
eat
—
—
—
—
khānā
khilānā
—
khilvānā
come
—
—
anā
—
—
—
—
—
to know how to
anā
—
drink
—
—
—
—
pīnā
pilānā
—
pilvānā
sell
biknā
—
—
—
becnā
—
becānā
bikvānā
see
—
dikhnā
—
—
dekhnā
dikhānā
—
dikhvānā
appear, look like
dikhnā
—
—
—
—
look like
lagnā
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
stick/put together
—
lagnā
lagānā
lagvānā
feel, feel like
lagnā
—
tell, be called
—
—
—
kahnā
—
—
kahlānā
kahalvānā
say, call
—
—
—
bolnā
—
bulānā
—
bulvānā
sit
biṭhnā
—
baiṭhnā
—
—
baiṭhānā
—
baiṭhvānā
break
ṭūṭnā
—
—
—
tor̥nā
—
tur̥ānā
tur̥vānā
understand
—
—
—
samajhnā
—
samjhānā
—
samajhvānā
tear
phaṭnā
—
—
—
phār̥nā
—
phar̥ānā
phar̥vānā
blast, shatter
phūṭnā, phaṭnā
—
—
—
phor̥nā
—
phor̥ānā
phor̥vānā
beat
piṭnā
—
—
—
pīṭnā
—
piṭānā
piṭvānā
bathe
—
—
—
nahānā
—
nahlānā
nahalnā
nahalvānā
know
—
—
—
jānnā
—
—
—
janvānā
laugh
—
—
hãsnā
—
—
hãsānā
—
hãsvānā
Light verbs
Compound verbs, a highly visible feature of Hindi–Urdu grammar, consist of a verbal stem plus a light verb. The light verb (also called "subsidiary", "explicator verb", and "vector"[55]) loses its own independent meaning and instead "lends a certain shade of meaning"[56] to the main or stem verb, which "comprises the lexical core of the compound".[55] While almost any verb can act as a main verb, there is a limited set of productive light verbs.[57] Shown below are prominent such light verbs, with their independent meaning first outlined, followed by their semantic contribution as auxiliaries. Finally, having to do with the manner of an occurrence, compounds verbs are mostly used with completed actions and imperatives, and much less with negatives, conjunctives, and contexts continuous or speculative. This is because non-occurrences cannot be described to have occurred in a particular manner.[58] The auxiliaries when combined with the main verb provides an aspectual sense to the main verb it modifies. Light verbs such as jānā "to go", ānā "to come", cuknā when combined with the main verb give the formed compound verb a perfective aspect, while retaining the original meaning of the main verb.
Perfective aspect compound verbs
Light Verb
Explanation
Main Verb
Examples
jānā "to go"
Shows perfective aspect (completed action) of the main verb which
means gives a sense of completeness of the action, finality,
2. kar lenā "to do (something fully for oneself)" "to have finished doing something"
3. cal lenā"to have walked"
4. mār lenā "to (try to) kill (oneself)"
denā "to give"
Suggests that the (usually planned/expected) action was completed and the benefit of the action flows
away from the doer.[58] This auxiliary verb can also be used to soften down
the tone of imperatives (commands) and usually is used to ask for favours. Nuance of planned/expected action is not present. This can also mean "to let" in the imperative – to let someone do: karne denā (oblique)
3. kār denā"to do (something completely for someone else and not oneself)"
ānā "to come"
Shows perfective aspect of the main verb which means gives
a sense of completeness of the action, finality, or change of state.
The meaning conveyed is the doer went somewhere to do something
and came back after completing the action. This can also mean "to know how to" in the indefinite/habitual present tense – to know how to do: karnā ānā
1. karnā
1. karānā "to finish (and come back)", "to do (and return)";
cuknā "to have (already) completed something"
Shows sense of completeness of an action in the past, that the action
was already done/finished/completed by the doer sometime in the past.
1. marnā
2. jītnā
1. mar cuknā "to have already died"
2. jīt cuknā "to have already won"
The first three light verbs in the above table are the most common of auxiliaries, and the "least marked", or "lexically nearly colourless".[60] The nuance conveyed by an auxiliary can often be very subtle, and need not always be expressed with different words in English translation. lenā and denā, transitive verbs, occur with transitives, while intransitive jānā occurs mostly with intransitives; a compound of a transitive and jānā will be grammatically intransitive as jānā is.
Light Verb
Explanation
Examples
ḍālnā "to throw, pour"
Indicates an action done vigorously, decisively, violently or recklessly;[61]
it is an intensifier, showing intensity, urgency, completeness, or violence.[62]
Finally, having to do with the manner of an occurrence, compounds verbs are mostly used with completed actions and imperatives, and much less with negatives, conjunctives, and contexts continuous or speculative. This is because non-occurrences cannot be described to have occurred in a particular manner.[58]
Conjuncts
Another notable aspect of Hindi–Urdu grammar is that of "conjunct verbs", composed of a noun or adjective paired up with a general verbaliser, most commonly transitive karnā "to do" or intransitive honā "to be", "to happen", functioning in the place of what in English would be single unified verb. All conjunct verbs formed using karnā are transitive verbs and all conjunct verbs formed using the verb honā are intransitive verbs.
In the case of an adjective as the non-verbal element, it is often helps to think of karnā "to do" as supplementarily having the senses of "to cause to be", "to make", "to render", etc.
Adjective
Conjunct
Literal
Meaning
sāf "clean"
sāf karnā
to do clean
to clean
nyuktH/ muqarrarU "appointed"
nyukt / muqarrar karnā
to do appointed
to appoint
band "closed"
band honā
to be closed
to close (intransitive)
xatam "finished"
xatam honā
to be finished
to finish (intransitive)
In the case of a noun as the non-verbal element, it is treated syntactically as the verb's (direct) object (never taking the ko marker; governing agreement in perfective and infinitival constructions), and the semantic patient (or agent: see gālī khānā below) of the conjunct verbal expression is often expressed/marked syntactically as a genitive postposition (-kā ~ ke ~ kī) of the noun.[67]
Noun
Conjunct
Conjunct + patient
Literal
Meaning
intezār "wait"
intezār karnā
kisī kā intezār karnā
to do somebody's wait
to wait for somebody
istemāl "use"
istemāl karnā
fon kā istemāl karnā
to do a phone's use
to use a phone
bāt "talk"
bāt karnā
samīr kī bāt karnā
to do Sameer's talk
to talk about Sameer
gālī "cuss/bad word"
gālī khānā
sanam kī gālī khānā
to eat a lover's curse
to be cursed out by one's own lover
tasvīr "picture"
tasvīr khīñcnā
Ibrāhīm kī tasvīr khīñcnā
to pull Ibrahim's picture
to take Ibrahim's picture
With English it is the verb stems themselves that are used. All English loan words are used by forming compound verbs in Hindi by using either honā (intransitive) or karnā (transitive).
English Verb
Hindi Verb Stem
Conjuncts
Meaning
check
cêk
cêk honā
to be/get checked
cêk karnā
to check (someone/something)
bore
bor
bor honā
to be/get bored
bor karnā
to bore (someone)
apply
aplāi
aplāi honā
to be/get applied
aplāi karnā
to apply (for something)
Passive
The passive construction is periphrastic. It is formed from the perfective participle by addition of the auxiliary jānā "to go"; i.e. likhnā "to write" → likhā jānā "to be written". The agent is marked by the instrumental postpositionse. Furthermore, both intransitive and transitive verbs may be grammatically passivized to show physical/psychological incapacity, usually in negative sentences. Lastly, intransitives often have a passive sense, or convey unintentional action.[68]
Syntax
Word order
Hindustani generally has free word order, in the sense that word order does not usually signal grammatical functions in the language.[69] However, the default unmarked word order in Hindustani is SOV. It is neither purely left- nor right-branching, and phenomena of both types can be found. The order of constituents in sentences as a whole lacks governing "hard and fast rules", and frequent deviations can be found from normative word position, describable in terms of a small number of rules, accounting for facts beyond the pale of the label of "SOV".[70]
Subject precedes the direct object of the sentence if both the dative and the accusative case marks the objects of a sentence. Prescriptively, the relative position is fixed in order to make it unambiguous which is the direct object and which is the indirect object in the sentence as both the dative case and the accusative case is the same in Hindustani and are marked by the same postposition ko.
Attributive adjectives precede the noun they qualify by default, but can also be placed after the noun, doing that usually makes the sentence sound either more poetic or gives as stronger emphasises on the attribute that the adjective describes.
Adverbs usually can appear either before or after the verb they qualify.
Negative markers (nahī̃, na, mat) and interrogatives precede the verb by default but can also appear after it, however the position for negation can be more flexible and the negation can occur before or after the auxiliary verbs too if the sentence has an auxiliary verb. Whenever the negation comes after the verbs instead of before the verb, it always emphasises the negation. The negation can never come before a noun.
kyā ("what?") as the yes–no question marker occurs at the beginning or the end of a clause as its unmarked positions but it can be put anywhere in the sentence except before a verb, where it is instead interpreted as the interrogative meaning "what".[71] This is frequently dropped in colloquial conversation, and instead, the last word of the question has a higher pitch.
In the example below, it is shown that all word orders make sense for simple sentences, which do not have adjectives, negations and adverbs. As a general rule, whatever information comes first in the sentence gets emphasised and the information which appears at the end of a sentence gets emphasised the least.[72][73]
As long as both dative and the accusative case are not used in the sentence, the word order flexibility remains. For example, in the table below the locative and the accusative case is used in the same sentence, the word order is flexible because the markers for the locative and the accusative cases are different but in Hindustani, the marker for the accusative and the dative case are the same, which is ko for nouns and the oblique case pronouns or they have their own unique pronoun forms which are the same for dative and the accusative case.[73]
Translation: He/she wants/have to go [up] on that.
Note: All word orders make sense but each has its own nuance and specific context of usage.
Usage of dative/accusative noun + accusative/dative pronoun
When noun and pronoun are used together in a sentence and one is in accusative case while the other is in the dative case, there is no way to differentiate which one is which just by looking at the sentence. Usually in such cases, owing to the default word order of Hindi (which is SOV) which noun/pronoun comes earlier in the sentence becomes the subject of the sentence and what comes later becomes the object of the sentence.
Nouns in Hindi are put in the dative or accusative case first having the noun in the oblique case and then by adding the postposition ko after it. However, when two nouns are used in a sentence in which one of them is in the accusative case and the other in the dative case, the sentence becomes ambiguous and stops making sense, so, to make sense of the sentence, one of the noun (which is assumed to be in the accusative case) is put into the nominative case and the other one is left as it is (in the dative case). The noun which is put into the nominative case becomes the direct object of the sentence and the other one (which is now in the Accusative case) becomes the indirect object of the sentence.
When both the nouns use the ko marker, generally, all permutations in which the nouns with the same case marker are adjacent to one another become ambiguous or convey no sense.[74]
Removing the ko from the word sā̃p leaves it in the nominative case. Now, it acts as the direct object of the sentence and saperā becomes the indirect object of the sentence. The English translation becomes "Give the snake-charmer a snake." and when the opposite is done, the English translation of the sentence becomes "Give the snake a snake-charmer."
Sentence
Translation
Sentence
Translation
sā̃p sapere-ko do
Give the snake-charmer a snake
sā̃p-ko sapere do
Give the snake a snake-charmer
sā̃p do sapere-ko
sā̃p-ko do sapere
sapere-ko sā̃p do
sapere sā̃p-ko do
sapere-ko do sā̃p
sapere do sā̃p-ko
do sapere-ko sā̃p
do sapere sā̃p-ko
do sā̃p sapere-ko
do sā̃p-ko sapere
Usage of dative pronoun + accusative pronoun
When two pronouns are used in a sentence, all the sentences remain grammatically valid but the ambiguity of precisely telling the subject and the object of the sentence remains.[74] However, just as we did above, converting one the pronoun into nominative case does not work for all pronouns but only for the 3rd person pronouns and doing that for any other pronoun will leave the sentence ungrammatical and without sense. The reason that this works only for the 3rd person pronoun because these are not really the "regular" 3rd person pronouns but are instead the demonstrative pronouns. Hindustani lacks the regular 3rd person pronouns and hence compensates for them by using the demonstrative pronouns.
So, the ambiguity cannot completely be removed in this case here, unless of course it is interpreted that what comes first becomes the subject of the sentence. The English translation becomes either "Give me to that/him/her/it." or "Give me that/him/her/it." depending on which pronoun appears first in the sentence.
Sentence
Translation
Sentence
Translation
mujhe use do
Give me to that/him/her/it.
or
Give me that/him/her/it.
mujhe vo do
Give me that.
mujhe do use
mujhe do vo
do mujhe use
do mujhe vo
do use mujhe
do vo mujhe
use mujhe do
vo mujhe do
use do mujhe
vo do mujhe
Possession
Unlike English and many other Indo-European languages, Hindustani does not have a verb which uniquely translate to "to have" of English. Possession is reflected in Hindustani by the genitive marker kā (inflected appropriately) or the postposition ke pās ("near") and the verb honā. Possible objects of possession fall into the following four main categories in Hindustani,
Fundamental possessions: These are possessions that are of permanent nature, which one has not obtained but got naturally and cannot be owned. These include, family relations, body parts, etc.
For indicating fundamental possessions, kā appears after the subject of the possession. With personal pronouns, this requires the use of the possessive pronoun (inflected appropriately).
Non-Fundamental possessions: These are possessions that one has obtained or can be owned. These include possession of any object, living beings (including humans), etc.
For indicating non-fundamental possessions, the compound postposition ke pās (literally, "of near") is used. However, this postposition cannot ever be translated as "near", showing proximity.
Proximal possessions: These are possessions that show that someone or something has something near themselves.
For indicating proximity of the object to the subject, the double compound postposition kepās mẽ (literally, "of near in") is used. It translates as "nearby".
Dative/Abstract possessions: These are abstract possessions such as pain, problems, issue, wanting, happiness, etc. but sometimes it can also be used to show number of children one has (gave birth to and not adopted).
For indicating dative possessions, the pronouns in their dative case or the dative postposition ko is used.
Fundamental possessions
Sentence
Explanation
1.
merī
my
mā̃
mother
hai.
there is
merī mā̃ hai.
my mother {there is}
I have a mother.
means that your mother is still alive, and hence in a fundamental way you still possess her, as in, the relationship "she is your mother" is true.
2.
uskī
his
do
two
ā̃khẽ
eyes
haĩ.
there are
uskī do ā̃khẽ haĩ.
his two eyes {there are}
He/She has two eyes.
means that a person fundamentally/naturally has two eyes. The person was born like that.
3.
mere
mine
do
two
bacce
children
haĩ.
there are
mere do bacce haĩ.
mine two children {there are}
I have two children.
means you are the parent of two kids. The relationship is permanent.
4.
merī
mine
nazar
vision
acchī
good
nahī̃
not
hai.
is
merī nazar acchī nahī̃ hai.
mine vision good not is
My vision is not good.
as vision is a fundamental property of a person and hence it cannot be owned and so the fundamental possession is used.
Note: The verb honā can be translated as "to be", "to have/possess", "to exist" or "to happen" depending on the context. The third person singular and plural conjugations depending on the context could also be translated as "there is" and "there are" respectively.
Non-fundamental possessions
Sentence
Explanation
1.
mere
mine
pās
near
mā̃
mother
hai.
there is
mere pās mā̃ hai.
mine near mother {there is}
I have a mother.
means the same as the fundamental possession, but with the nuance that you and your mother are physically together or close.
2.
uske
his
pās
near
do
two
ā̃khẽ
eyes
haĩ.
there are
uske pās do ā̃khẽ haĩ.
his near two eyes {there are}
He/she has two eyes.
means the same as the fundamental possession with an emphasis on the current ability of one's eyes (as opposed to blindness),
but also has an additional meaning of possession of someone else's eye.
3.
mere
mine
pās
near
do
two
bacce
kids
haĩ.
there are
mere pās do bacce haĩ.
mine near two kids {there are}
I have two kids.
means that you have kids of some other person, usually used in situations of school (teacher-student), kidnapping, etc.
4.
mere
mine
pās
near
ek
one
idea
idea
hai.
there is
mere pās ek idea hai.
mine near one idea {there is}
I have an idea.
means that you possess an idea. An idea occurred to you.
Note: Sometimes when talking about physical objects (including animals) both the fundamental and non-fundamental possessions are used interchangeably when the meaning conveyed in both cases does not lead to confusion. For example, mere do kutte haĩ and mere pās do kutte haĩ (both translating as, "I have two dogs.") are often used interchangeably when referring to pet dogs, with the sentence with the fundamental possession showing or having more emotional attachment. The reason these both are used interchangeably because it is a priori understood that the dogs in the context must be pet dogs. Same happens with the second example above on both the tables conveying the possession of eyes; it is understood that the eyes in the context are one's own. In the contexts where such a priori information is not immediately understood, these two types of possessions cannot be used interchangeably.
Proximal possessions
Sentence
1.
mere
mine
pās mẽ
nearby
mā̃
mother
hai.
there is
mere {pās mẽ} mā̃ hai.
mine nearby mother {there is}
"Mother is near me." or, "I have mother near me."
2.
uske
his
pās mẽ
nearby
do
two
kutte
dogs
haĩ.
there are
uske {pās mẽ} do kutte haĩ.
his nearby two dogs {there are}
"There are two dogs near him/her." or, "He/She/It has two dogs near him/her/it."
3.
mere
mine
pās mẽ
nearby
do
two
bacce
kids
haĩ.
there are
mere {pās mẽ} do bacce haĩ.
mine nearby two kids {there are}
"I have two kids near me."
4.
mere
mine
pās mẽ
nearby
ek
one
ghar
house
hai.
there is
mere {pās mẽ} ek ghar hai.
mine nearby one house {there is}
"I have a house near me."
Dative/Abstract possessions
Sentence
Explanation
1.
mujhe
to me
ek
one
dikkat
problem
hai.
there is
mujhe ek dikkat hai.
{to me} one problem {there is}
I have a problem.
since problem is an abstract noun, the dative/abstract possession is used.
2.
use
to him/her
usse
from him/her
do
two
bacce
kids
haĩ.
there are
use usse do bacce haĩ.
{to him/her} {from him/her} two kids {there are}
She has two kids with him.
dative/abstract possession is used to show number of children someone has (gave birth to, and not adopted).
3.
tujhe
to you
itnī
this much
xušī
happiness
kyõ
why
hai?
there is
tujhe itnī xušī kyõ hai?
{to you} {this much} happiness why {there is}
Why are you so happy? (lit. why do you have so much happiness?)
since happiness is an abstract noun, the dative/abstract possession is used.
Relativisation
Rather than using relative clauses after nouns, as in English, Hindustani uses correlative clauses. In Hindustani, a correlative clause can go before or after the entire clause, the adjective, the noun, the pronoun or the verb it relativises.[75]
Note: The relative pronoun jo can be used as both relative "what" and relative "who".
Case-marking and verb agreement
Hindustani has tripartite case-marking, which means that the subject in intransitive clauses, and the agent and the object in transitive clauses each can be marked by a distinct case form. The full set of case distinctions is however only realized in certain clause types.[77][78]
In intransitive clauses, the subject is in nominative case. The verb displays agreement with the subject: depending on aspect and mood, the verb agrees in gender and number, and/or person and number.[77]
laṛkā
boy:NOM
kal
yesterday
āyā
come:PRF:MASC:SG
laṛkā kal āyā
boy:NOM yesterday come:PRF:MASC:SG
'The boy came yesterday.'
In transitive clauses, there are three patterns:[79]
1. Perfective clauses with animate/definite object
Fully distinctive case marking is found in perfective clauses with animate and/or definite objects. Here, the agent takes the ergative case marker ne, while the object takes the accusative case marker ko. The verb does not agree with either of the core arguments (agent and object), but is marked per default as third person masculine singular (calāyā hai).[a]
2. Perfective clauses with inanimate/indefinite object
In perfective clauses with an indefinite object, the agent keeps the ergative case marker, but the object is in nominative case. The verb agrees with the object: the perfective form calāyīhai is marked for feminine gender, agreeing with the gender of the object gāṛī.
laṛke=ne
boy:OBL=ERG
gāṛī
car
calāyī
drive:PRF:FEM:SG
hai
be:PRES:3.SG
laṛke=ne gāṛī calāyī hai
boy:OBL=ERG car drive:PRF:FEM:SG be:PRES:3.SG
'The boy has driven a car.'
3. Non-perfective clauses
In all other clause types, the agent is in nominative case and triggers agreement on the verb. The object is either in nominative case or accusative case, depending on animacy/definiteness
laṛkā
boy:NOM
gāṛī
car:NOM
calātā
drive:IMPF:MASC:SG
hai
be:PRES:3.SG
laṛkā gāṛī calātā hai
boy:NOM car:NOM drive:IMPF:MASC:SG be:PRES:3.SG
'The boy drives a car.'
The following table summarises the three basic case-marking and agreement types.
Case marking
Verb agreement
S*
A
O
transitive
intransitive
Perfective clauses
definite object
nominative
ergative
accusative
none
with S
indefinite object
nominative
ergative
nominative
with O
Non-perfective clauses
nominative
nominative
nominative/accusative
with A
with S
*S is the subject in intransitive clauses. A and O are the agent and the object in transitive clauses, respectively.
Hindustani, like other Indo-Aryan languages, displays differential case marking on both subjects (DSM) and objects (DOM).[80] Diachronically, differential argument marking developed very differently for subjects and objects, but became prevalent for both in the 17th century. For subjects, it is predicate-licensed and dependent on semantics, whereas for objects it is discourse-driven.[81]
For subjects, on top of the previously discussed split ergativity (in which perfective case verbs take the ergative ne on the subject, while other conjugations have an unmarked subject), certain modal auxiliary verbs take different case markers for their subjects.
The most notable instance of DSM is the experiencer dative subject (a type of quirky subject). Verbs indicating sensations (lagnā "to seem"), emotions (mahsūs honā "to feel"), and cognition (patā honā "to be known"), all license the dative case marker ko on their subjects. This is a cross-lingual phenomenon.
Passive subjects taking the modal auxiliary jānā 'to go', usually connoting reduced agentivity, take the instrumental se. This construction can also be used to indicate ability.
bacce=se
child:OBL=INS
śīśā
mirror:NOM
ṭūṭ
break
gayā
go:PRF:MASC:SG
bacce=se śīśā ṭūṭ gayā
child:OBL=INS mirror:NOM break go:PRF:MASC:SG
'The mirror was broken by the child.'
The dative ko indicates obligation or necessity. The modal honā 'to be' and paṛnā 'to fall' both take this on their subjects.
logõ=ko
people:OBL:PL=DAT
kām
work:NOM
karnā
do:INF
hai
be:PRS:3.SG
logõ=ko kām karnā hai
people:OBL:PL=DAT work:NOM do:INF be:PRS:3.SG
'The people have to work.'
The accusative marker ko is only applied when the object is definite, similar to the distinction between the and a(n) in English.
maĩ=ne
1.SG=ERG
laṛkõ=ko
boy:OBL:PL=ACC
bacāyā
save:PRF:MASC:SG
maĩ=ne laṛkõ=ko bacāyā
1.SG=ERG boy:OBL:PL=ACC save:PRF:MASC:SG
'I saved the boys.'
maĩ=ne
1.SG=ERG
laṛke
boy:NOM:PL
bacāye
save:PRF:MASC:PL
maĩ=ne laṛke bacāye
1.SG=ERG boy:NOM:PL save:PRF:MASC:PL
'I saved boys.'
Notes
^In the sample clause, the agent happens to be masculine singular, but the verb would not change even if the agent were plural or feminine.
^Janet Pierrehumbert, Rami Nair (1996), Implications of Hindi Prosodic Structure (Current Trends in Phonology: Models and Methods), European Studies Research Institute, University of Salford Press, 1996, ISBN978-1-901471-02-1, ... showed extremely regular patterns. As is not uncommon in a study of subphonemic detail, the objective data patterned much more cleanly than intuitive judgments ... [w] occurs when /वو/ is in onglide position ... [v] occurs otherwise ...
^ abButt, Miriam; Holloway King, Tracy; Ramchand, Gillian (1994). Theoretical Perspectives on Word Order in South Asian Languages. Stanford, California: CSLI Publications. pp. 185–199. ISBN1-881526-49-6.
^ abcPatil, Umesh; Kentner, Gerrit; Gollrad, Anja; Kügler, Frank; Fery, Caroline; Vasishth, Shravan (17 November 2008). "Focus, Word Order and Intonation in Hindi". Journal of South Asian Linguistics. 1.
^ abVasishth, Shravan (2004). "Discourse Context and Word Order Preferences in Hindi". The Yearbook of South Asian Languages and Linguistics (2004). pp. 113–128. doi:10.1515/9783110179897.113. ISBN978-3-11-020776-7.
^ abcSpencer, Andrew (2005). Case in Hindi. CSLI Publications. p. 5.
^ abComrie, Bernard (2013). "Alignment of Case Marking of Full Noun Phrases". In Dryer, Matthew S.; Haspelmath, Martin (eds.). The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. Retrieved 26 June 2020.
^Verbeke, Saartje (2013). Alignment and Ergativity in New Indo-Aryan Languages. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.
^Butt, Miriam (2017). "Hindi/Urdu and Related Languages". In Coon, Jessica; Massam, Diane; Travis, Lisa Demena (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Ergativity. Oxford University Press. pp. 807–831.
Schmidt, Ruth Laila (2003), "Urdu", in Cardona, George; Jain, Dhanesh (eds.), The Indo-Aryan Languages, Routledge, pp. 286–350, ISBN978-0-415-77294-5.
McGregor, Ronald Stuart (1995), Outline of Hindi Grammar (third ed.), Oxford: Clarendon Press, ISBN0-19-870008-3.
Shapiro, Michael C. (2003), "Hindi", in Cardona, George; Jain, Dhanesh (eds.), The Indo-Aryan Languages, Routledge, pp. 250–285, ISBN978-0-415-77294-5.