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On 24 August 2026, the Viv Ansanm coalition entered the commune of Kenscoff, Haiti and committed a mass killing.

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The Guatemalan Star

On 24 August 2026, the Viv Ansanm coalition entered the commune of Kenscoff, Haiti and committed a mass killing.

The exact motives of the killings are unclear, but they may be part of a recent push towards establishing territory to the south of Port-au-Prince that gangs has been making.

In December 2025, another massacre left 49 people dead in Port-au-Prince, including 19 gang members.[1]

Verti Enold-Saint, a Kenscoff resident said "if only we had a good police force that would have placed an armored truck here, what happened here would have been prevented."[2]

  • IDPs from other nearby cities flee to Port-au-Prince and the surrounding metropolitan area to escape violence.


Cocaine (edit)

1887 Yellow River flood
Duration30 September 1887 – 20 January 1889

Diego González González is a Colombian lawyer and secretary general of the Colombian Senate. He represents the Union Party for the People (Partido de la U). He has been the Secretary General since 20 July 2026.


Contra War
Part of the Nicaraguan Revolution and the Central American crisis
Contras from Frente Sur in Nueva Guinea
ARDE unit
Location
Result Sandinista victory[b]
  1. ^ Most of the fighting took place in rural areas of the country, especially in the north and central highlands. According to records kept by the Contras, the departments with the most deaths were (in descending order): Jinotega, Matagalpa, Nueva Segovia, Chontales, and Zelaya[6]
  2. ^ The Sandinistas won the majority of the combats against the Contras, but the 1990 election disarmed both sides, and ultimately led to a stalemate. This being said, they retook power in 2006 after Daniel Ortega won the election, although this time without hostilities.

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The Contra War, also called the Nicaraguan Civil War, was an armed conflict and rebellion that took place from 1981 to 1990 in Nicaragua involving the Contra forces. The conflict started after the Sandinista National Liberation Front, or FSLN, overthrew the ruling government led by Anastasio Somoza Debayle in 1979. The Sandinistas began to implement socialist policies and repression that angered many people, some of them would go on to form the first group of Contras in 1980.

The war took place within the broader context of the Cold War, drawing significant involvement from the United States, wbhich provided financial, logistical, and covert military support to Contra factions. The conflict resulted in substantial military and civilian casualties, widespread displacement, and economic disruption, and concluded after negotiated peace agreements an and national elections in 1990 that brought an opposition government to power.

Background

After the overthrow of the Somoza dictatorship in 1979, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) established a revolutionary government that enacted widespread social and economic reforms. Opposition to Sandinista rule developed from former regime supporters, rural conservatives, and indigenous communities. Beginning in the early 1980s, several anti‑government groups coalesced under the umbrella term “Contras” and began armed resistance against the Sandinista government.[1]

The United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was authorized by President Ronald Reagan to provide funding, training, and logistical support to Contra groups as part of a broader U.S. policy to counter perceived Soviet influence in Central America.[2] Course of the conflict

The Contra War was primarily fought through guerrilla tactics by rebel forces, including ambushes, sabotage, and raids on government outposts. Sandinista forces responded with conventional military operations, conscripted troops, and militia units to defend territory, infrastructure, and population centers.[1]

Throughout the 1980s, the conflict drew international attention. In 1986, revelations about covert arms transfers from the United States to Contra forces, circumventing congressional restrictions, became central to the Iran–Contra affair.[3] Tactics and strategy

Contra forces primarily used hit‑and‑run guerrilla tactics, focusing on disrupting Sandinista supply lines, attacking rural installations, and avoiding large‑scale engagements. The Sandinista government deployed conventional forces and militia units to secure towns, roads, and key infrastructure, often responding to rebel incursions with patrols and fortified defenses.[1] Impact and casualties

Estimates vary widely, but thousands of combatants on both sides were killed or wounded during the conflict. Civilians were also affected through displacement, loss of livelihood, and damage to infrastructure. The war significantly disrupted Nicaragua’s economy and social structures, particularly in rural areas near the Honduran border.[1]


United States involvement

U.S. president Ronald Reagan took interest in the war from the very start, since his administration took office in 1981. Reagan was afraid that Nicaragua would turn into a "second Cuba", which by then was already under a communist government led by Fidel Castro for 16 years.[7]

Refugees

The agrarian reforms and nationalization of land by the Sandinista government led many plantation owners and farmers to leave the country. The most common countries for emigration were Costa Rica and the United States. The first wave of about 120,000 Nicaraguans entering the U.S. happened in the 1980s during the Sandinista government. Many of these people were middle-class or wealthy before the revolution. The second wave occured in early 1989, after Hurricane Joan caused upheaval in the country.

Resolution and peace

By the late 1980s, international pressure and declining morale led to negotiations for a peace settlement. Regional leaders, including Costa Rican president Óscar Arias promoted a peace dea; aimed at ending hostilities in the region. Although fighting continued sporadically, a negotiated settlement and the 1990 election led to the election of Violeta Chamorro and the eventual demobilization of the Contras.[1]

The conflict remains a subject of historical debate regarding American foreign intervention and human rights. Its legacy has effected Nicaragua’s political landscape in the subsequent decades, including its decision to put the FSLN back in power in the 2006 Nicaraguan election.

The Esquipulas Peace Agreement peace agreement was signed by both parties in Esquipulas, Guatemala. The agreement stipulated the demobilization of the Contras, ending the war.

See also

French gang

This form of cocaine is in contrast with the freebase

Avoure
Кирилл Приставной
Born
Kyrylo Prystavnyi[8]

1990 (age 35–36)
OccupationDJ
Years active2018-present

Kyrylo Prystavnyi, known professionally as Avoure, is a Ukrainian DJ and record producer based in Los Angeles, California. He first gained recognition in 2018 with the release of his debut track Aura, which has accumulated over 125 million views on Youtube.[10] He has gained support in the electronic music scene since, collaborating with labels such as This Never Happened, Above & Beyond, Spinnin' Deep, and Anjunabeats.[8] His music has received support from artists including [[Lane 8], Diplo, Hardwell, Tiësto, and ZHU. In 2023, Avoure founded his own independent record label, Biome Recordings, which describes itself as a "fusion of melodic house, techno, breakbeat, and electronica".[8]

Collaboration with Lane 8

Avoure's first collaboration with Lane 8 (Daniel Goldstein) was with the track Voile. Their relationship began when a friend of Avoure from Saint Petersburg mentioned the possibility of sharing his music with Lane 8 via email. After informing him of his email address and an initial exchange between the two, Lane 8 invited him on a collaboration a month later.[11]


Rapé
Source plant(s)Nicotiana rustica
Part(s) of plantLeaves
Geographic originAmazon basin
Active ingredientsNicotine, harmala alkaloids, plant ash
Main producersBrazil, Peru, Colombia

Rapé (also spelled hapé or rapeh) is a traditional snuff used by Indigenous peoples of the Amazon basin. It is typically composed of powdered tobacco from the plant Nicotiana rustica combined with ashes of various plants.[12][13]

It is used in ceremonial, social, and traditional contexts among Indigenous groups in countries including Brazil, Peru, and Colombia.[14] Rapé is administered nasally using a blowpipe, either self-administered or applied by another individual.[15]

Etymology

The term rapé is a Portuguese and Spanish word derived from the French word "râpé", which means "grated", referring to the grated tobacco traditionally used to make snuff.[16]

Composition and preparation

Rapé is a fine, dry powder composed primarily of tobacco and plant ash.[12] The tobacco species most commonly used, Nicotiana rustica, contains higher concentrations of nicotine than Nicotiana tabacum.[17]

Preparation typically involves drying and grinding tobacco leaves and combining them with ash derived from selected plants.[15] The specific composition varies between Indigenous groups and regions.[18]

Historical use

The use of powdered tobacco in the Americas predates European contact.[19] Early European accounts of tobacco snuff use were recorded in the late 15th century following contact with Indigenous peoples of the Caribbean.[20]

Culture

Tobacco plays a central role in many Amazonian cultural and ritual systems.[12] Rapé is used in a range of communal and ceremonial contexts.[14]

Ethnographic studies document the use of tobacco preparations in initiation rites and shamanic practices among various Indigenous groups.[21][22]

Pharmacology

Rapé contains nicotine, a stimulant alkaloid that affects the central nervous system.[23]

Chemical analyses of rapé products have identified additional compounds, including tobacco-specific nitrosamines and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons.[13]

Effects

Nasal administration results in rapid absorption of nicotine through mucous membranes.[24]

Ethnographic accounts describe strong sensory effects associated with its use in traditional contexts.[12]

Health considerations

As a tobacco product, rapé carries risks associated with nicotine exposure, including dependence and cardiovascular effects.[25][26]

The legal status of rapé varies by country. In many jurisdictions, products containing tobacco are regulated under tobacco control laws.[25]

See also

References

  1. ^ "Dozens killed in Haiti's capital following internal clashes within a powerful gang coalition". AP News. 10 December 2025.
  2. ^ "Gang coalition unleashes violent new attack on farming community in Haiti". {{cite web}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
  3. ^ Li Chenghua (31 May 2016). Yellow Sea Free Economic Zone. Baixiang Culture. pp. 15–. Archived from the original on 9 January 2021. Retrieved 6 May 2020. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |dead-url= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
  4. ^ Lin Zhi Man; Xiao Feng (1 January 2008). Shocking World Disasters. Liaohai Publishing House. pp. 130–. Archived from the original on 9 January 2021. Retrieved 6 May 2020. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |dead-url= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
  5. ^ Ge Dan and Qian Shu, eds. (9 February 2014). 100 Disasters That Threatened the World (Vol. 1). Green Apple Data Center. pp. 120–. Archived from the original on 9 January 2021. Retrieved 6 May 2020. {{cite book}}: |author= has generic name (help); Unknown parameter |dead-url= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
  6. ^ Horton 2004, p. 118
  7. ^ "Address to the Nation on the Situation in Nicaragua". www.reaganlibrary.gov. 1986-03-16.
  8. ^ a b c "Avoure · Biography - Resident Advisor". ra.co.
  9. ^ "Avoure – Artists - Insomniac". insomniac.com.
  10. ^ "Avoure - YouTube Music". music.youtube.com.
  11. ^ Anna Katran. "Интервью с Avoure: "Музыка может быть немного неуклюжей, но она должна быть честной"" (in Russian).
  12. ^ a b c d Wilbert, Johannes (1987). Tobacco and Shamanism in South America. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 6–10.
  13. ^ a b Stanfill, Stephen B. (2015). "Comprehensive chemical characterization of rapé tobacco products: Nicotine, un-ionized nicotine, tobacco-specific N'-nitrosamines, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, and flavor constituents". Food and Chemical Toxicology. 82: 50–58. doi:10.1016/j.fct.2015.04.012. PMID 25921431.
  14. ^ a b Russell, Andrew (2015). The Master Plant: Tobacco in Lowland South America. London: Bloomsbury Academic. pp. 23–30.
  15. ^ a b de Smet, Peter A.G.M. (1985). "A multidisciplinary overview of intoxicating snuff rituals in the Western Hemisphere". Journal of Ethnopharmacology. 13 (1): 3–49. doi:10.1016/0378-8741(85)90029-3. PMID 3883984.
  16. ^ Curtis, M.M. (1935). The Book of Snuff and Snuff Boxes. New York: Bramhall House. pp. 12–15.
  17. ^ Stanfill, Stephen B. (2010). "Surveillance of international oral tobacco products: total nicotine, un-ionized nicotine and tobacco-specific nitrosamines". Tobacco Control. 20 (1): e2. doi:10.1136/tc.2010.036913. PMID 20930060.
  18. ^ Schultes, Richard Evans (1984). "Fifteen years of study of psychoactive snuffs of South America: 1967–1982—a review". Journal of Ethnopharmacology. 11 (1): 17–32. doi:10.1016/0378-8741(84)90035-6. PMID 6200055.
  19. ^ Elferink, J.G.R. (1983). "The narcotic and hallucinogenic use of tobacco in Pre-Columbian Central America". Journal of Ethnopharmacology. 7 (1): 111–122. doi:10.1016/0378-8741(83)90025-9. PMID 6343717.
  20. ^ McKenna, Terence (1993). Food of the Gods: The Search for the Original Tree of Knowledge. New York: Bantam Books. p. 336.
  21. ^ Lagrou, Elsje (1996). Shamanism and representation among the Kaxinawá. Florianópolis: Federal University of Santa Catarina. pp. 197–231.
  22. ^ Jauregui, X. (2011). "Plantas con madre: plants that teach and guide in the shamanic initiation process in the East-Central Peruvian Amazon". Journal of Ethnopharmacology. 134 (3): 739–752. doi:10.1016/j.jep.2011.01.042. PMID 21277309.
  23. ^ Benowitz, Neal L. (1996). "Pharmacology of nicotine: addiction and therapeutics". Annual Review of Pharmacology and Toxicology. 36: 597–613.
  24. ^ Domino, E.F. (2000). "Nicotine effects on regional cerebral blood flow in awake, resting tobacco smokers". Synapse. 38 (3): 313–321. doi:10.1002/1098-2396(20001201)38:3<313::AID-SYN12>3.0.CO;2-4. PMID 11020234.
  25. ^ a b Smokeless Tobacco and Some Tobacco-specific N-Nitrosamines. Lyon: International Agency for Research on Cancer. 2007. ISBN 9789283212898.
  26. ^ Wolk, R. (2005). "Hemodynamic and autonomic effects of smokeless tobacco in healthy young men". Journal of the American College of Cardiology. 45 (6): 910–914. doi:10.1016/j.jacc.2004.11.066. PMID 15766817.

Dámaso López Serrano is a Mexican drug trafficker and the son of Dámaso López Núñez [es].

Tijuana ringleader of the Tijuana Cartel

Criollos guatemaltecos celebran al conocer la declaración de independencia de España el 15 de septiembre de 1821.
Cerro Mohinora
Location of the upper and lower Sierra Tarahumara in Chihuahua, which borders the states of Texas and New Mexico.

On 19 April 2026, a diplomatic conflict between Mexico and the United States arose following the deaths of two CIA agents in an accident in the Sierra Tarahumara [es] of Chihuahua. The agents were traveling in a convoy alongside agents from the Chihuahua State Investigation Agency.

They had been returning from dismantling six sophisticated local narcotics laboratories that had been located through drone surveillance flights in an operation involving around one hundred officials, one of the most significant successes in years for Chihuahua’s prosecutor’s office and police.[1]

The Security Cabinet of Mexico expressed its condolences for the deaths of the four agents following the accident, and clarified that the foreign agents had not been authorized to participate in an operation in Mexico.[2]

One week after the incident, the United States Department of Justice announced that the governor of Sinaloa, Rubén Rocha Moya, along with other members of his administration, would be extradited to the United States over alleged ties to the Sinaloa Cartel.[3]

Four passengers, two Americans and two Mexicans, died on the morning of 19 April 2026 when the vehicle they were traveling in crashed as they were returning from an operation led by Mexico's armed forces to dismantle clandestine methamphetamine laboratories in the mountains of Chihuahua.[4]

President Claudia Sheinbaum stated that she had no knowledge of the presence of U.S. officials on Mexican soil and called on Washington and the State of Chihuahua for explanations regarding a possible violation of national sovereignty.[5]

The Los Angeles Times reported, based on sources familiar with the operation, that two other CIA agents traveling in a vehicle behind theirs climbed down a slope to assist their colleagues, but that by then it was too late. Journalist Steve Fisher's report states that the four U.S. agents who allegedly participated in the operation were dressed in uniforms of the Chihuahua State Investigation Agency (AEI) in order to blend in with Mexican officials. A CIA spokesperson declined to comment to the newspaper.[6]

On April 22, a proposal advanced in the Senate of Mexico from the Morena party calling for a working meeting with the governor of Chihuahua, María Eugenia Campos Galván, and the state prosecutor, César Jáuregui Moreno, so they could explain the alleged participation of two CIA agents in security operations in the state, the failure to properly inform the federal government, the lack of institutional coordination, and the consequences for national sovereignty.[7]

The ruling party pushed for both officials to explain the events in the state, arguing that there may have been a violation of the Constitution of Mexico and the National Security Law due to the participation of alleged foreign agents in actions carried out by the Chihuahua State Attorney General’s Office.[8][9]

Resignation of the State Prosecutor of Chihuahua

On April 24, 2026, César Jáuregui Moreno resigned from his position as head of the Chihuahua State Attorney General’s Office following controversy over the entry of U.S. agents, allegedly CIA operatives, who died in the town of Morelos after the dismantling of the drug laboratories.[10][11] "With full respect for transparency, I present my irrevocable resignation as state attorney general. My actions have been guided by the protection of society and the full force of the state in confronting organized crime", the official said at a press conference.

He stated that the fight against crime also requires respect for legality and national sovereignty; however, he acknowledged that in the case of the deaths of the agents, "the information we initially had was inconsistent and warranted an investigation to understand their involvement in detail."

He admitted there were omissions in information handling and institutional management, which undermined the control and communication mechanisms he was responsible for ensuring.[12]

Following the resignation of former prosecutor César Jáuregui Moreno, Governor María Eugenia Campos Galván appointed Wendy Paola Chávez Villanueva as the new head of the Chihuahua State Attorney General’s Office, stating:[13] "I have appointed Wendy Chávez, current head of the Specialized Prosecutor’s Office for Crimes against Women and Family, to lead this Specialized Unit; I am convinced that her career will ensure objectivity and full professionalism in clarifying the facts."

Debate in the senate

The Senate Constitutional Affairs Committee approved this Wednesday a motion to call a working meeting with the governor of Chihuahua, María Eugenia Campos Galván, and the state prosecutor, César Jáuregui Moreno, so they can report on the alleged presence of officers from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the state, following a highway crash in which four people died. The discussion of the resolution led to a heated confrontation between lawmakers from Morena and the National Action Party (PAN), who exchanged accusations and raised the tone of the debate over the scope of the summons and its political implications.

The resolution, promoted by Morena senator Juan Carlos Loera de la Rosa, was fast-tracked by the Senate’s leadership board and, during Wednesday’s debate, the opposition demanded that the scope of the call to Campos be expanded to include other officials from the ruling party, not just the opposition governor.

PAN senator Marko Cortés Mendoza proposed modifying the agreement to also include appearances by the Secretary of Security and Citizen Protection, Omar García Harfuch; the head of the Secretariat of National Defense, Ricardo Trevilla Trejo; and the Foreign Affairs Minister, Marcelo Ebrard. He also called for a diplomatic note to be sent to the United States requesting information about the presence of agents in Mexican territory, and for the Morena governors of Sinaloa, Rubén Rocha Moya, and Baja California, Marina del Pilar Ávila Olmeda, to also appear over allegations related to organized crime.

The confrontation escalated when Morena senator Javier Corral Jurado, former governor of Chihuahua, accused the opposition of constructing a narrative based on “lies and fallacies,” and questioned the state government’s performance in public security. Meanwhile, Movimiento Ciudadano (MC) senator Luis Donaldo Colosio Riojas voted against the motion and criticized the legality of the procedure. He argued that the Constitutional Affairs Committee does not have the authority to summon state officials, warning that it violates the principle of federalism. “The Senate cannot summon a governor on this basis. If the issue is reviewing the presence of foreign agents, federal authorities are the ones who should appear,” he said. Colosio also criticized the fact that debate on important constitutional reforms was being displaced in favor of what he described as a politically motivated issue.

The debate included moments of high tension, such as PAN senator Lilly Téllez accusing Morena senator Gerardo Fernández Noroña of illicit enrichment, in an exchange that further heightened the confrontation. Finally, the resolution was approved with 13 votes in favor and one against. The committee chair, Morena senator Óscar Cantón Zetina, announced that the agreement will be forwarded to the Senate leadership board for possible discussion in the full chamber.

The approved document establishes a "respectful invitation" for the governor of Chihuahua and the state prosecutor to report on the events, as well as on possible violations of the National Security Law, failures to notify the federal government, and potential institutional coordination failures.

References

  1. ^ Las incógnitas que rodean el caso de los dos agentes de la CIA que murieron en México BBC News.
  2. ^ Gabinete Lamenta Muerte de 4 Agentes en Chihuahua y Niega Presencia Extranjera N+. 25 April 2026.
  3. ^ La justicia de EE.UU. acusa al gobernador del estado mexicano de Sinaloa de colaborar con el cartel de "Los Chapitos" BBC News Mundo
  4. ^ The 2 Americans who died in the accident in Mexico were CIA agents in: The New York Times. Accessed 21-04-2026.
  5. ^ The death of two CIA agents in Mexico raises alarms over U.S. interference in: El País. Accessed 22-04-2026.
  6. ^ The CIA participated in at least three operations with Chihuahua authorities, says Los Angeles Times in: Aristegui Noticias. Accessed 23-04-2026.
  7. ^ Morena in the Senate pushes to summon governor and prosecutor of Chihuahua over CIA participation in: La Jornada. Accessed 22-04-2006.
  8. ^ "Ruling party seeks explanations over foreign agents' actions in Chihuahua". El Universal. 2026. Retrieved 2 May 2026.
  9. ^ "Debate over possible violation of National Security Law in Chihuahua". La Jornada. 2026. Retrieved 2 May 2026.
  10. ^ "Chihuahua prosecutor resigns after controversy over U.S. agents". El Universal. 24 April 2026. Retrieved 2 May 2026.
  11. ^ "Chihuahua prosecutor resigns amid controversy over U.S. agents". Reuters. 24 April 2026. Retrieved 2 May 2026.
  12. ^ César Jáuregui resigns as Chihuahua prosecutor after entry and death of U.S. agents: admits omissions in: El Financiero. Accessed 01-05-2026.
  13. ^ Maru Campos appoints Wendy Chávez to lead special investigative unit after destruction of laboratories in the Sierra in: El Heraldo de Chihuahua. Accessed 24-04-2026.

La Mayiza is a Mexican criminal organization and splinter group of the Sinaloa Cartel. It was created in 2024 during the infighting of the cartel when its leader Ismael Zambada García was arrested.

La Mayiza is also known as MZ and MF which stands for Mayo Zambada and Mayito Flaco.

Background

The Mind Illuminated is a 2016 book by John Yates, Jeremy Graves, and Matthew Immergut.

Jerro is a Belgian DJ and record producer.

Los Ardillos is primarily active in the La Montaña region of Guerrero
Logo of eWorldTrade

eWorldTrade was an online Indian platform that sold various products, including controlled drugs. It operated on the clearnet.

es:Farmacias del Ahorro

Farmacias del Ahorro - wikidata

WHAT IS THE YELLOW MIDGET FARMACY CALLED?

es:Farmacias YZA Wikidata for Farmacias YZA

es:Estado liberal de Guatemala (1829-1840)

Wut.

There have been three wars of independence in Cuban history during the late 19th century:

  • Ten Years' War (1868-1878), the first attempt at independence from Spain
Atlantic slave trade
The triangular trade of Africans in the Atlantic
LocationCountries along the Atlantic Ocean
ContextColonialism and slavery in Africa
Period16th-19th centuries
VictimsVarious ethnic groups of Africa
CrimesSlavery, forced labour, torture, murder
VictimsAround 12 million sold and enslaved (not counting descendants)
CauseColonialism, racism
PerpetratorsEuropean colonial empires
Inspection of an African Black by Europeans white while negotiating with slave traders

Slavery was practiced throughout the history of Venezuela from the 16th to the mid-19th century.

Selling contract of a negro in Lima, 1794

Slavery in the Dominican Republic has roots that date to the early 16th century.

Colonists and others on the Spanish mainland were forbidden from trading in slaves, but islands such as Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic were excepted from this rule. Laborious work in sugarcane and to a lesser extent tobacco necessitated this labor, as well as the lack of indigenous people in the Caribbean. Almost all of the slaves were brought from Africa via the triangular trade. Despite the prevalence of the Spanish slave trade in the Caribbean, Haiti is still the country with the most African-descended people in the Caribbean, although Brazil has about twice as many, albeit located in South America.


Oil wells on Lake Maracaibo
Petroluem fields, pipelines, and refineries in Venezuela (1972)

The petroleum industry in Venezuela accounts for 15% of its GDP and 37% of its domestic energy consumption.[1][2]

Venezuela's oil exports also account for 80% of its total export revenue.Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page).

By 1950, it had a GDP per capita of $5,550,[a] the third highest in Latin America. This was in comparison to other Latin colonies that were significantly more impoverished, like Brazil ($1,850) or Guatemala ($2,040).[3]

Discovery

Oil drilling station on Lake Maracaibo

Oil was first discovered in the Maracaibo Basin of Zulia in 1914.[4] The first Venezuelan oil well, Zumaque I, was located in Mene Grande, Zulia.[5]

In 1922, the Barroso II oil well exploded in Zulia state, causing a million barrels of crude oil to burst out of the ground. This was when its promise as an oil-rich country was noticed.[6]

Foreign involvement

In the first decades after oil began to be exploited, foreign companies controlled production, infrastructure, and commercialization. One of the most important was Creole Petroleum Corporation, a subsidiary of Standard Oil, which came to control a substantial share of national production.

In 1960, Venezuela was one of the five founding countries of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, or OPEC, along with Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, and Kuwait. Despite this leadership role, foreign companies continued to dominate the industry until nationalization in 1976.

In August 1971, under the presidency of Rafael Caldera, a law was passed that nationalized the country's natural gas industry, foreshadowing the broader oil nationalization to come.

Pérez administration and nationalization

President Carlos Andrés Pérez nationalized the oil industry of Venezuela on 1 January 1976, creating Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) to oversee all exploring, producing, refining, and exporting of oil.

The announcement occurred at the Mene Grande oilfield in Zulia. The transition to the oil industry being run by the state went well. Large American and other foreign companies invested in the country and were also hired by PDVSA for their expertise. Pérez allowed PDVSA to partner with foreign oil companies as long as it held 60% equity in joint ventures, along with other constraints.


During the 1980s, global oil prices plummeted. As global oil prices plummeted in the 1980s, Venezuela's economy contracted and inflation soared; at the same time, it accrued massive foreign debt by purchasing foreign refineries, such as Citgo in the United States.

Chávez administration

Hugo Chávez was elected president in 1998 running on a socialist platform. He promised to use the country's oil wealth to reduce poverty in Venezuela, a serious problem at the time.

In 2002, many PDVSA employees went on strike against Chávez, who responsed by firing 19,000 workers from the company. This decision was later criticized, as it removed much of the company's technical expertise.

In 2005, Chávez began to provide subsidized oil to several countries in the region, including Cuba, with Petrocaribe being created later.

In 2007, the government decreed that PDVSA must hold at least a 60% stake in all heavy crude projects in the Orinoco Belt, forcing foreign companies to accept new contractual conditions or leave the country. As a result, ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips withdrew from Venezuela.

Maduro administration

Due to the crisis in Venezuela[7]

In mid-2014, global oil prices tumbled and Venezuela's economy went into free fall. Since 2014, oil production in Venezuela has suffered from a poor oil market and Venezuela's insufficient funding of the industry.

In 2016, the oil production reached the lowest it had been in 23 years. The decline continued through subsequent years, with production hitting historic lows during the COVID-19 pandemic.

In January 2026, the Trump administration stated that it would fix Venezuelas oil industry while the U.S. was engaging in Operation Southern Spear. Maduro was captured in Caracas and taken to the U.S. on 3 January 2026.

Oil reserves

PDVSA refinery

Venezuela produces over 900,000 barrels of oil per day and has an estimated 303 billion barrels of proven oil reserves. These reserves account for roughly 17% of the global total, with most concentrated in the Orinoco Belt, where deposits are predominantly heavy crude. There is doubt about the reliability of this figure however, as it is self-reported and not verified by OPEC or another international organization.

Production

At its peak in the 1970s, Venezuela's oil production reached 3.5 million barrels of crude oil per day. By contrast, Venezuela crude oil production was reported at 896,000 barrels per day in December 2025.

Venezuela's oil is abundant but it is known for being more expensive to extract from the ground than oil from the Persian Gulf, which lowers its profitability. The oil being heavy crude means special refineries are needed.

Petróleos de Venezuela

In 1986, PDVSA bought 50% of the United States gasoline brand Citgo from Southland Corporation and in 1990 the remaining half. This gave Venezuela a significant presence in the U.S. market.

PDVSA has not regularly disclosed its financial performance since 2014 and provides extremely limited public information, having not published annual reports or other documentation to improve transparency and corporate governance since 2016.

Economy

In 2023, Venezuela's oil exports totaled just $4.05 billion—dwarfed by Saudi Arabia's $181 billion and the U.S.'s $125 billion.

Most of Venezuela's modest oil production goes to China, an ally of the Maduro regime and major investor in the region, with Venezuela currently paying down an estimated $10-billion debt to China, covered in part by oil exports.

The United States bought about 23% of Venezuela's oil in 2023, but data shows that the U.S. didn't buy any in 2020 and 2021.

US involvement and sanctions

The United States has been involved in the Venezuelan oil industry. has been imposing sanctions on Venezuela in some capacity since 2006, although full sanctions against petroleum trade itself did not occur until much later. For almost two decades, Washington has imposed sweeping sanctions against Caracas, the most significant of which have blocked oil imports from PDVSA and prevented the government from accessing the U.S. financial system.

To return Venezuela to its production highs of the early 2000s of around 3 million barrels per day would likely take around $180 billion in extra funding between now and 2040, according to energy intelligence firm Rystad Energy.

Corruption, mismanagement, brain drain, and a lack of repair and upkeep work on critical infrastructure, including throughout Venezuela's flagship Orinoco Heavy Oil Belt, have made operating without significant investment nearly impossible.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ In 2011 PPP-adjusted dollars.

References

  1. ^ "Country Analysis Brief: Venezuela" (PDF). U.S. Energy Information Administration. 2024-02-08. p. 4.
  2. ^ Cite error: The named reference enerdata was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  3. ^ Bolt, Jutta; Inklaar, Robert; de Jong, Herman; van Zanden, Jan (May 2017). "Rebasing 'Maddison': new income comparisons and the shape of long-run economic development" (PDF). Princeton University. p. 28.
  4. ^ Felix Rossi-Guerrero (1976). "The Transition from Private to Public Control in the Venezuelan Petroleum Industry".
  5. ^ Nagel, Juan Cristóbal (2014-08-01). "One hundred years of oil". www.caracaschronicles.com.
  6. ^ Cite error: The named reference aapg was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  7. ^ "Barreling Blindly Ahead: The Seizure of Venezuela's Oil". Center For Global Development.
  • Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) Annual Statistical Bulletin 2025
  • [Council on Foreign Relations - Venezuela: The Rise and Fall of a Petrostate]
  • Natural Resource Governance Institute - National Oil Company Profile: PDSVA
  • Yale Climate Connections - "Five keys to understanding Venezuela's oil history"
  • Caracas Chronicles - "The Theft That Never Was: Inside Venezuela's 1976 Oil Takeover"
  • Visual Capitalist - "How Venezuela's Oil Reserves Compare to the Rest of the World"


On 27 December 2025, an intercity bus fell into a ravine on the Inter-American Highway in Guatemala, killing 16 and injuring 26 people. The bus was on a route coming from Guatemala City.

Background

Typical street in Totonicapán

Road accidents are common in Guatemala, as the country is mountainous and road infrastructure is less developed than in other places. The Central American volcanic arc specifically the Sierra Madre de Chiapas crosses over much of the central and southern part of the country, and forms the Guatemalan Highlands. As such, it has a high rate of traffic fatalities relative to miles driven. Accidents of this kind tend to be more fatal compared to collisions as well. Totonicapán is located at a very high elevation, at almost 2,500 metres (8,200 ft).

The Inter-American Highway is another name for the portion of the Pan-American Highway within Central America. Chicken buses regularly use the highway, as many citizens do not own their own form of motor transportation. The road connects Totonicapán to nearby cities like Quetzaltenango (27 km (17 mi) away) and Santa Cruz del Quiché. Highways in Guatemala are typically named after a department and a number, for example QUI-4. The Inter-American Highway passes through the center of Totonicapán.

Accident

Authorities took more than two hours to rescue the injured and remove the bodies of those who died.

Bernardo Arévalo, the president of Guatemala, expressed his lament for the accident via X and declared three days of national mourning.

On 5 February 2026, acting president of Venezuela Delcy Rodríguez proposed an amnesty law for certain political prisoners detained after 1999.

Royel Otis (edit)

add non-free image

Apparently this concept came from Argentina?

Prevalence

The below table shows the percentage of population which was victim to robbery in the previous 12 months according to United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime,[2] typically through statistical surveys to avoid under-reporting.[3]

Reported robberies

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime notes "that when using the figures, any cross-national comparisons should be conducted with caution because of the differences that exist between the legal definitions of offences in countries, or the different methods of offence counting and recording". Also, not every crime is reported, meaning two things: (1) robbery rates appear lower than they actually are, and (2) the percentage of crime that is not reported is higher in some countries than others; for example, in one country 86% of the robberies were reported, whereas in another country only 67% of the robberies were reported. Crime also varies by certain neighborhoods or areas in each country, so a nationwide rate does not indicate the danger or safety everywhere in that country. A 1983 study by the Department of Justice estimated that the amount of robberies in the US at schools alone may reach one million a year, exceeding the National Crime Survey reported estimate.[4][5]

References

Tijuana ringleader of CDS

Juan José Ponce Félix
Born (1982-06-30) June 30, 1982 (age 44)
Other name'El Ruso'
OrganizationSinaloa Cartel

High-ranking boss of CDS.

Hugo César Macías
BornError: Need valid birth date: year, month, day
CitizenshipMexican
OccupationCriminal
OrganizationJalisco New Generation Cartel
Criminal status
Fugitive

Hugo César Macías Ureña is a high-ranking member of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel. He came to prominence after the death of Nemesio "El Mencho" Oseguera Cervantes.

He rose in rank in the cartel due to his capability of recruiting new people and ability to manage sicarios (hitmen).

La Resistencia aka carteles unidos guy

Spanish actor

Argentine TV series

CJNG

CJNG

Armando Valencia Cornelio

Los Cuinis is a branch of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel.

José María Guízar Valencia, also known by his alias Z-43, is a convicted Mexican criminal. He was the leader of the Zetas Vieja Escuela, a splinter group of Los Zetas active in Tamaulipas.

He was arrested in Mexico City in 2018, being one of the 122 "priority targets" wanted by the Mexican government. The United States had offered a $5 million reward for his capture.[1][2][3]

Biography

Guízar Valencia began his drug trafficking activities in 1998 in Michoacán.

Estos son los nombres con los que operaba ‘El Chapo’ Guzmán, según la OFAC - InfoBae

Milenio Cartel cofounder

Milenio Cartel cofounder

José Crispín Salazar Zamorano, also known by his alias Don Adán, is the leader of the Los Salazar faction of the Gente Nueva criminal group in Sonora, also known as the Independent Cartel of Sonora.

Irving Eduardo Solano Vera, also known as El Profe or El Gato, is the founder of Gente Nueva, known as the Cártel Independiente de Sonora ('Sonora Independent Cartel') since 2023.

'El Gordo', leader of Los Viagras, a splinter group of Cárteles Unidos of Michoacan. Now it is the enforcer squad of LNFM.

Los Blancos de Troya ('Trojan Targets') is a Mexican cartel that is one of the factions of the Cárteles Unidos. They are active in the Tierra Caliente of Michoacán as well as in Morelia.

In March 2017, El Mencho ordered the murder of El Cholo, a former CJNG member who betrayed the CJNG by co-founding the Nueva Plaza Cartel and conspiring against his former allies.[4] El Cholo was marked for death by El Mencho after he murdered a CJNG financial operator nicknamed "El Colombiano", but the assassination attempt was a failure. El Cholo afterwards retaliated by co-founding a new cartel called the Nueva Plaza Cartel.[4] CJNG co-founder Erick Valencia Salazar also split with El Mencho and became a high-ranking leader in the Nueva Plaza Cartel.[5] They also have formed a rivalry with El Mencho and the CJNG as well.[6] El Cholo was later murdered, with his body being discovered stabbed and wrapped in plastic on a park bench in downtown Tlaquepaque on 18 March 2021.[7][8]


Consecuencias y reacciones internacionales

El abatimiento de Oseguera Cervantes fue considerado por el gobierno de Estados Unidos como un "gran avance para el mundo" en la lucha contra el narcotráfico.[41]​ Funcionarios como el subsecretario de Estado Christopher Landau celebraron la operación, recordando que el gobierno estadounidense ofrecía una recompensa de hasta 15 millones de dólares por información que llevara a su captura[37]​[44]

Tras la muerte de "El Mencho", analistas en seguridad apuntaron a una posible lucha interna por el control de la organización o un intento de reconfiguración del mando del cártel, aunque las autoridades mexicanas se mantuvieron en alerta ante posibles repuntes de violencia derivados del vacío de poder.[40][43]

LINK TO HERE FROM:

 List of terrorist incidents in 2026 
 List of massacres in Mexico
 Timeline of the Mexican drug war
 Spanish equivalents
 

El 25 de enero de 2026, un grupo de hombres armados irrumpió en un campo de futbol y disparó contra 23 personas, resultando en 11 muertes y 12 heridos. La gobernadora de Guanajuato, Libia Dennise García Muñoz Ledo, anunció la reforzada seguridad en la región y la activación de un operativo conjunto con la Fiscalía General del Estado y fuerzas federales para atender a las víctimas y avanzar con la investigación. El alcalde de Salamanca, César Prieto, confirmó que 11 personas fallecieron en el lugar y 12 resultaron heridas, incluyendo una mujer y un menor de edad.

Stared early 2025

Anhedonia

9-Me-BC has been used as an informal treatment of anhedonia, although it is not professionally prescribed for it.

The illegal drug trade in Mexico refers to the trafficking and sale of illicit drugs within Mexico and with other countries such as the United States.

Origins

Make the table color-coded with red instead of blue.

From top-left:

From top-left:

]]

Indigenous peoples in Nicaragua
Nicaragüenses indígenas
Indigenous settlement in Rama Cay, South Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region
Total population
443,847
8.6% of the population (2005)[9]
Languages
Spanish, Miskito, Sumo, Rama, Garífuna
Religion
Catholicism
Related ethnic groups
Indigenous Mexicans, Indigenous Hondurans, Indigenous Costa Ricans, Indigenous Colombians
Groups in Mesoamerica & below
Nicaragua is part of the 'Intermediate Area'

The area comprising modern-day Nicaragua has long been inhabited by various Indigenous groups.

The Pacific coast of Nicaragua was inhabited by groups like the Nicarao before the Spanish arrived. The areas further inland such as in Matagalpa Department were inhabited by other groups like the Cacaopera, and the areas in the east are inhabited by the Miskito people.

There are an estimated 450,000 Indigenous people living in Nicaragua today. The true number however is unknown, as the country does not collect ethnicity data in the census.

History

Spanish conquest

The Spanish conquest of Nicaragua killed hundreds of thousands of Indigenous people in Nicaragua through violence and disease. Estimated vary from 300,000 to over 2 million people killed during the 16th century.

Regions

Pacific

The Gran Nicoya region, which consists of the Pacific coast and the Nicoya Peninsula in Costa Rica is where the Nahua and Manguean groups lived.

This region is sometimes considered to be a part of Mesoamerica (along with El Salvador and parts of Honduras because some parts of Nicaragua spoke a Nahua language, as well as the fact that they shared other cultural traits with Mesoamerican groups.

However, one of the traits they lack is the cultivation of maize. As such, Nicaragua is usually not categorized as being in Mesoamerica, and is instead categorized as belonging to a region known as the Intermediate Area, extending from Nicaragua down to Costa Rica, Panama, the Guajira Peninsula, Zulia, and part of Colombia.

Nicaragua is separated from Honduras by the Río Coco and from Costa Rica by the Río San Juan. This may have led to Costa Rican groups developing differnet cultures and speaking Chibchan languages over time.

North-central highlands

Mosquito coast

Ethnic groups

Nicarao

The Nahua-speaking Nicarao in the south (Rivas) and the Oto-Manguean speaking groups in the north had a long-standing enmity with each other.

Cacaopera

The Cacaopera people are primarily located in the Matagalpa Department. This group spoke a Misumalpan language which is now extinct. The language is unrelated to the other languages spoken in Nicaragua, coming from a different language family.

It has been suggested that the Cacaopera lost their language due to suffering heavy casualties in the first century of Spanish rule. They are still the primary group in Matagalpa today.

References

The island of Cuba was inhabited for thousands of years by various native peoples before the arrival of the Spanish.

Era of colonization led by Miguel López de Legazpi 1565-1571.

  • add non-free image

From 1954 to 1986, Guatemala was under a series of military leaders.

Eraín Ríos Montt, who was president from 1982 to 1983, is regarded as the most egregious leader. Torture, murder, and other human rights abuses increased significantly during his administration, until he was deposed in a coup.

Ethnic tensions

Most of the presidents during this period were white or ladino, meaning mixed white and mestizo. This term is especially used in Guatemala instead of mestizo.

The Spanish conquest of Venezuela officially started in 1498 when Columbus reached the northern coast of Venezuela from the Atlantic Ocean.

See also

Operation Red Christmas
Navidad roja
Part of the Nicaraguan Revolution and the Contra war

The village of Palo Yumpa destroyed
DateDecember 1981
Location
Result Sandinista victory
Belligerents
Sandinista Popular Army MISURASATA
Casualties and losses
8,000 Desplazados
71 deaths

Operation Red Christmas was an operation undertaken by the Sandinista government of Nicaragua to relocate 42 Indigenous Miskito communities away from the Caribbean coast towards inland towns along the Coco River with Honduras, into new communities known as Tasba Pri (Free Land).

This operation was carried out in early 1982, at the outset of Contra actions against the Sandinista government, which were particularly intense in the northeastern region of the Caribbean (or Atlantic) coast.

Navidad Roja fue la operación de traslado de 42 comunidades de indígenas misquitos de la región nor-oriental de la Costa Caribe de Nicaragua desde la franja fronteriza del Río Coco con Honduras hacia el interior del país, a unas nuevas comunidades conocidas como Tasba Pri (Tierra Libre).[1]​ Esta operación se realizó a principios de 1982, en los inicios de las acciones de los Contras hacia el gobierno sandinista que fueron especialmente virulentas en la región nor-oriental de la costa caribeña o atlántica.

  • Severo Martóínez Pérez (1973). La Patria del Criollo: Ensayo de interpretación de la realidad colonial guatemalteca.

Modern Guatemalans have varying levels of Indigenous DNA that can be traced to the ancient Maya that inhabited the region.{{{1}}}

The western and central highlands of Guatemala are heavily Indigenous.

The geographical distribution of the modern Maya population is however very different from that of the height of the Maya civilization. The majority of the almost 8 million Maya in Guatemala live in the Guatemalan highlands a mountainous area in the central and southern part of the country, while only 2 million live in the Yucatán Peninsula of Mexico and northern Petén, where most of the major sites such as Tikal and Chichén Itzá have been found. Mayanists have hypothesized that this migration was due to the Spanish conquest and potentially the classic Maya collapse that happened more than 600 years earlier.true? Similar to Andean civilizations such as the Inca, the population gradually grew to be greater in the elevated mountains and highlands compared to the vast lowlands of the Petén, Yucatán and the Pacific coast of Guatemala. The terrain led to the development of different mutually unintelligible languages due to reduced contact between groups, such as the Quiché, Mam, and Kaqchikel languages.

During the regime of Manuel Estrada Cabrera, efforts were made to eliminate Maya languages and 'ladinize' the population (make more mestizo). These were successful in some departments, which are almost entirely Ladino and monolingual in Spanish today, despite having significant Indigenous ancestry.

Currently, the departments with the greatest population of Mayas are Quiché, Alta Verapaz, and Huehuetenango.

Alta Verapaz is heavily indigenous and primarily populated by the Qʼeqchiʼ Mayan people. The 2018 census recorded 93% of the department's population as belonging to an indigenous group and 80% as belonging to the Qʼeqchiʼ Maya.

HelloTalk (eit)

Criticism

HelloTalk has been criticized for its use as a dating app. This has attracted controversy both within the community and in other online forums. Although its gial is to facilitate language learning. the app is ptimarily centered on its chat feature. Some people claim they started romantic relationships through using the app, usually long-distance relationships.

The company has been criticized for encouraging ita use in this way. through prominently featuring lartners of the opposite gender more often, as well as notifications in this vein. Peoplr have critized that HelloTalk no longer primarily focuses on improving language skills.

Reports that users of the app quickly ask language partners for their WhatsApp account raizes further concern over it being abused as a dating app. While HelloTalk aims to connect casual language partners{REF! }from different countries, WhatsApp focuses on being an instant messaging app primarily used for communication between friends and family. Users who ask their partners to switch to WhatsApp rather than practice second language acquisition have been targeted by criticism as well. HelloTlak has not released any data about the gender of its users as of December 2025{check)

Microsoft Designer
DeveloperMicrosoft
ReleaseJuly 18, 2024 (2024-07-18)
Websitedesigner.microsoft.com

Microsoft Designer is an AI based image creation and design app by Microsoft originally released as a Windows 11 app, as well as on iOS and Android[1]. It is now also available as a web app and can use AI to generate images, edit images, make graphic design projects and icons. It is available on the Microsoft Store for desktop users.

  1. ^ "Microsoft's Designer app arrives on iOS and Android with AI editing and creation". The Verge. July 18, 2024. Retrieved October 15, 2025.

es:Secuestro del vuelo 705 de Mexicana de Aviación

Current leader of Cártel del Noreste.

Caral Chavín de Huántar
Líneas de Nazca Señor de Sipán
Porta do Sol (Tiauanaco) Chan Chan
Diversos exemplos do patrimônio arqueológico das civilizações pré-incaicas: Caral, Chavin de Huantar, Linhas de Nazca, Senhor de Sipán, Porta do Sol, Chan Chan.

Aztecs (edit)

Aztecs
Geographical rangeMesoamerica
First Republic of Paraguay
Primera República del Paraguay
1814–1870
Location of Paraguay
StatusSovereign state
CapitalAsunción
Common languagesSpanish, Guaraní
Religion
Roman Catholicism
GovernmentPresidential republic
under successive dictatorships (1814–1844)
President 
• 1814–1840
José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia
• 1844–1862
Carlos Antonio López
• 1862–1870
Francisco Solano López
Historical era19th century
• Congress of 1814
3 October 1814
1864–1870
• New constitution
1 July 1870
CurrencyParaguayan real
Paraguayan peso
ISO 3166 codePY
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Independence of Paraguay
Paraguay

The First Republic of Paraguay is the name given to the period of Paraguayan history between its establishment as a newly independent republic in 1814 and the end of the devastating War of the Triple Alliance in 1870. This period is also known as Patria Vieja in Spanish, compared to Patria Nueva period that follows it after the war.

This era was characterized by the long dictatorship of José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia who was previously the head of the junta in Paraguay after they declared independence from Spain in 1811.

The country officially adopted a new constitution three months after the decisive Battle of Cerro Corá where president Francisco Solano López was killed.

Its capital was located at Asunción.[1]

Paraguayan War

This is a list of gangs in Haiti.

Haitian National Police person



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