Iñupiaq or Inupiaq (/ɪˈnuːpiæk/ih-NOO-pee-ak, Inupiaq:[iɲupiaq]), also known as Iñupiat, Inupiat (/ɪˈnuːpiæt/ih-NOO-pee-at), Iñupiatun or Alaskan Inuit, is an Inuit language, or perhaps group of languages, spoken by the Iñupiat people in northern and northwestern Alaska, as well as a small adjacent part of the Northwest Territories of Canada. The Iñupiat language is a member of the Inuit-Yupik-Unangan language family, and is closely related and, to varying degrees, mutually intelligible with other Inuit languages of Canada and Greenland. There are roughly 2,000 speakers.[3] Iñupiaq is considered to be a threatened language, with most speakers at or above the age of 40.[4] Iñupiaq is an official language of the State of Alaska, along with several other indigenous languages.[5]
The major varieties of the Iñupiaq language are the North Slope Iñupiaq and Seward Peninsula Iñupiaq dialects.
The Iñupiaq language has been in decline since contact with English in the late 19th century. American territorial acquisition and the legacy of boarding schools have created a situation today where a small minority of Iñupiat speak the Iñupiaq language. There is, however, revitalization work underway today in several communities.
History
The Iñupiaq language is an Inuit language, the ancestors of which may have been spoken in the northern regions of Alaska for as long as 5,000 years. Between 1,000 and 800 years ago, Inuit migrated east from Alaska to Canada and Greenland, eventually occupying the entire Arctic coast and much of the surrounding inland areas. The Iñupiaq dialects are the most conservative forms of the Inuit language, with less linguistic change than the other Inuit languages.[citation needed]
In the mid to late 19th century, Russian, British, and American colonists made contact with Iñupiat people. In 1885, the American territorial government appointed Rev. Sheldon Jackson as General Agent of Education.[6] Under his administration, Iñupiat people (and all Alaska Natives) were educated in English-only environments, forbidding the use of Iñupiaq and other indigenous languages of Alaska. After decades of English-only education, with strict punishment if heard speaking Iñupiaq, after the 1970s, most Iñupiat did not pass the Iñupiaq language on to their children, for fear of them being punished for speaking their language.
In 1972, the Alaska Legislature passed legislation mandating that if "a [school is attended] by at least 15 pupils whose primary language is other than English, [then the school] shall have at least one teacher who is fluent in the native language".[7]
Today, the University of Alaska Fairbanks offers bachelor's degrees in Iñupiaq language and culture, while a preschool/kindergarten-level Iñupiaq immersion school named Nikaitchuat Iḷisaġviat teaches grades PreK-1st grade in Kotzebue.
In 2014, Iñupiaq became an official language of the State of Alaska, alongside English and nineteen other indigenous languages.[5]
In 2018, Facebook added Iñupiaq as a language option on their website.[8] In 2022, an Iñupiaq version of Wordle was created.[9][10]
Dialects
There are four main dialect divisions and these can be organized within two larger dialect collections:[11]
Iñupiaq
Seward Peninsula Iñupiaq is spoken on the Seward Peninsula. It has a possible Yupik substrate and is divergent from other Inuit languages.
The Native population of the Big Diomede Island was moved to the Siberian mainland after World War II. The following generation of the population spoke Central Siberian Yupik or Russian.[12] The entire population of King Island moved to Nome in the early 1960s.[12] The Bering Strait dialect might also be spoken in Teller on the Seward Peninsula.[15]
Iñupiaq dialects differ widely between consonants used. However, consonant clusters of more than two consonants in a row do not occur. A word may not begin nor end with a consonant cluster.[15]
All Iñupiaq dialects have three basic vowel qualities: /a i u/.[15][12] There is currently no instrumental work to determine what allophones may be linked to these vowels. All three vowels can be long or short, giving rise to a system of six phonemic vowels /a aː i iː u uː/. Long vowels are represented by double letters in the orthography: ⟨aa⟩, ⟨ii⟩, ⟨uu⟩.[15] The following diphthongs occur: /ai ia au ua iu ui/.[15][16] No more than two vowels occur in a sequence in Iñupiaq.[15]
The Bering strait dialect has a fourth vowel /e/, which preserves the fourth proto-Eskimo vowel reconstructed as */ə/.[15][12] In the other dialects, proto-Eskimo */e/ has merged with the closed front vowel /i/. The merged /i/ is referred to as the "strong /i/", which causes palatalization when preceding consonant clusters in the North Slope dialect (see section on palatalization below). The other /i/ is referred to as "the weak /i/". Weak and strong /i/s are not differentiated in orthography,[15] making it impossible to tell which ⟨i⟩ represents palatalization "short of looking at other processes which depend on the distinction between two i's or else examining data from other Eskimo languages".[17] However, it can be assumed that, within a word, if a palatal consonant is preceded by an ⟨i⟩, it is strong. If an alveolar consonant is preceded by an ⟨i⟩, it is weak.[17]
Words begin with a stop (with the exception of the palatal stop /c/), the fricative /s/, nasals /m n/, with a vowel, or the semivowel /j/. Loanwords, proper names, and exclamations may begin with any segment in both the Seward Peninsula dialects and the North Slope dialects.[15] In the Uummarmiutun dialect words can also begin with /h/. For example, the word for "ear" in North Slope and Little Diomede Island dialects is siun whereas in Uummarmiutun it is hiun.
A word may end in any nasal sound (except for the /ɴ/ found in North Slope), in the stops /t k q/ or in a vowel. In the North Slope dialect if a word ends with an m, and the next word begins with a stop, the m is pronounced /p/, as in aġnam tupiŋa, pronounced /aʁnap tupiŋa/[15]
Very little information of the prosody of Iñupiaq has been collected. However, "fundamental frequency (Hz), intensity (dB), loudness (sones), and spectral tilt (phons - dB) may be important" in Malimiutun.[18] Likewise, "duration is not likely to be important in Malimiut Iñupiaq stress/syllable prominence".[18]
^Recent learners of the language, and heritage speakers are replacing the sound /ʐ/ (written in Iñupiaq as "r") with the American English /ɹ/ sound with which it is similar.[18]
Two consonants cannot appear together unless they share the manner of articulation (in this case treating the lateral and approximant consonants as fricatives). The only exception to this rule is having a voiced fricative consonant appear with a nasal consonant. Since all stops in North Slope are voiceless, a lot of needed assimilation arises from having to assimilate a voiceless stop to a voiced consonant.
This process is realized by assimilating the first consonant in the cluster to a consonant that: 1) has the same (or closest possible) area of articulation as the consonant being assimilated to; and 2) has the same manner of articulation as the second consonant that it is assimilating to. If the second consonant is a lateral or approximant, the first consonant will assimilate to a lateral or approximant if possible. If not the first consonant will assimilate to a fricative. Therefore:
IPA
Example
/kn/ → /ɣn/ or → /ŋn/
Kamik
"to put boots on"
+
+
niaq
"will"
+
+
te
"he"
→
→
kamigniaqtuq or kamiŋniaqtuq
he will put the boots on
Kamik + niaq + te → {kamigniaqtuq or kamiŋniaqtuq}
{"to put boots on"} + "will" + "he" → {he will put the boots on}
/qn/ → /ʁn/ or → /ɴ/ *
iḷisaq
"to study"
+
+
niaq
"will"
+
+
tuq
"he"
→
→
iḷisaġniaqtuq
he will study
iḷisaq + niaq + tuq → iḷisaġniaqtuq
{"to study"} + "will" + "he" → {he will study}
/tn/ → /nn/
aqpat
"to run"
+
+
niaq
"will"
+
+
tuq
"he"
→
→
aqpanniaqtuq
he will run
aqpat + niaq + tuq → aqpanniaqtuq
{"to run"} + "will" + "he" → {he will run}
/tm/ → /nm/
makit
"to stand up"
+
+
man
"when he"
→
→
makinman
When he stood up
makit + man → makinman
{"to stand up"} + {"when he"} → {When he stood up}
/tɬ/ → /ɬɬ/
makit
"to stand"
+
+
łuni
"by ---ing"
→
→
makiłłuni
standing up, he ...
makit + łuni → makiłłuni
{"to stand"} + {"by ---ing"} → {standing up, he ...}
* The sound /ɴ/ is not represented in the orthography. Therefore the spelling ġn can be pronounced as /ʁn/ or /ɴn/. In both examples 1 and 2, since voiced fricatives can appear with nasal consonants, both consonant clusters are possible.
The stops /t̚ʲ/ and /t/ do not have a corresponding voiced fricative, therefore they will assimilate to the closest possible area of articulation. In this case, the /t̚ʲ/ will assimilate to the voiced approximant /j/. The /t/ will assimilate into a /ʐ/. Therefore:
IPA
Example
/t̚ʲɣ/ → /jɣ/
siksriit
"squirrels"
+
+
guuq
"it is said that"
→
→
siksriiyguuq
it is said that squirrels
siksriit + guuq → siksriiyguuq
"squirrels" + {"it is said that"} → {it is said that squirrels}
/TV/ → /ʐv/
aqpat
"to run"
+
+
vik
"place"
→
→
aqparvik
race track
aqpat + vik → aqparvik
{"to run"} + "place" → {race track}
(In the first example above note that <sr> denotes a single consonant, as shown in the alphabet section below, so the constraint of at most two consonants in a cluster, as mentioned above, is not violated.)
In the case of the second consonant being a lateral, the lateral will again be treated as a fricative. Therefore:
IPA
Example
/ml/ → /ml/ or → /vl/
aġnam
"(of) the woman"
+
+
lu
"and"
→
→
aġnamlu or aġnavlu
and (of) the woman
aġnam + lu → {aġnamlu or aġnavlu}
{"(of) the woman"} + "and" → {and (of) the woman}
/nl/ → /nl/ or → /ll/
aŋun
"the man"
+
+
lu
"and"
→
→
aŋunlu or aŋullu
and the man
aŋun + lu → {aŋunlu or aŋullu}
{"the man"} + "and" → {and the man}
Since voiced fricatives can appear with nasal consonants, both consonant clusters are possible.
The sounds /f//x/ and /χ/ are not represented in the orthography (unless they occur alone between vowels). Therefore, like the /ɴn/ example shown above, assimilation still occurs while the spelling remains the same. Therefore:
IPA (pronunciation)
Example
/qɬ/ → /χɬ/
miqłiqtuq
child
miqłiqtuq
child
/kʂ/ → /xʂ/
siksrik
squirrel
siksrik
squirrel
/vs/ → /fs/
tavsi
belt
tavsi
belt
These general features of assimilation are not shared with Uummarmiut, Malimiutun, or the Seward Peninsula dialects. Malimiutun and the Seward Peninsula dialects "preserve voiceless stops (k, p, q, t) when they are etymological (i.e. when they belong to the original word-base)".[12] Compare:
The following patterns of palatalization can occur in North Slope Iñupiaq: /t/ → /t̚ʲ/, /tʃ/ or /s/; /ɬ/ → /ʎ̥/; /l/ → /ʎ/; and /n/ → /ɲ/. Palatalization only occurs when one of these four alveolars is preceded by a strong i. Compare:
Type of I
Example
strong
qimmiq
/qimːiq/
dog
→
→
→
qimmit
/qimːit̚ʲ/
dogs
qimmiq → qimmit
/qimːiq/ → /qimːit̚ʲ/
dog → dogs
weak
tumi
/tumi/
footprint
→
→
→
tumit
/tumit/
footprints
tumi → tumit
/tumi/ → /tumit/
footprint → footprints
strong
iġġi
/iʁːi/
mountain
→
→
→
iġġiḷu
/iʁːiʎu/
and a mountain
iġġi → iġġiḷu
/iʁːi/ → /iʁːiʎu/
mountain → {and a mountain}
weak
tumi
/tumi/
footprint
→
→
→
tumilu
/tumilu/
and a footprint
tumi → tumilu
/tumi/ → /tumilu/
footprint → {and a footprint}
Please note that the sound /t̚ʲ/ does not have its own letter, and is simply spelled with a T t. The IPA transcription of the above vowels may be incorrect.
If a t that precedes a vowel is palatalized, it will become an /s/. The strong i affects the entire consonant cluster, palatalizing all consonants that can be palatalized within the cluster. Therefore:
Type of I
Example
strong
qimmiq
/qimmiq/
dog
+
+
+
tigun
/tiɣun/
amongst the plural things
→
→
→
qimmisigun
/qimːisiɣun/
amongst, in the midst of dogs
qimmiq + tigun → qimmisigun
/qimmiq/ + /tiɣun/ → /qimːisiɣun/
dog + {amongst the plural things} → {amongst, in the midst of dogs}
strong
puqik
/puqik/
to be smart
+
+
+
tuq
/tuq/
she/he/it
→
→
→
puqiksuq
/puqiksuq/
she/he/it is smart
puqik + tuq → puqiksuq
/puqik/ + /tuq/ → /puqiksuq/
{to be smart} + {she/he/it} → {she/he/it is smart}
Note in the first example, due to the nature of the suffix, the /q/ is dropped. Like the first set of examples, the IPA transcriptions of above vowels may be incorrect.
If a strong i precedes geminate consonant, the entire elongated consonant becomes palatalized. For Example: niġḷḷaturuq and tikiññiaqtuq.
The strong i can be paired with a vowel. The weak i on the other hand cannot.[17] The weak i will become an a if it is paired with another vowel, or if the consonant before the i becomes geminate. This rule may or may not apply to other dialects. Therefore:
Type of I
Example
weak
tumi
/tumi/
footprint
→
→
→
tumaa
/tumaː/
her/his footprint
tumi → tumaa
/tumi/ → /tumaː/
footprint → {her/his footprint}
strong
qimmiq
/qimːiq/
dog
→
→
→
qimmia
/qimːia/
her/his dog
qimmiq → qimmia
/qimːiq/ → /qimːia/
dog → {her/his dog}
weak
kamik
/kamik/
boot
→
→
→
kammak
/kamːak/
two boots
kamik → kammak
/kamik/ → /kamːak/
boot → {two boots}
Like the first two sets of examples, the IPA transcriptions of above vowels may not be correct.
Unlike the other Iñupiaq dialects, the Seward Peninsula dialect has a mid central vowel e (see the beginning of the phonology section for more information).
Gemination
In North Slope Iñupiaq, all consonants represented by orthography can be geminated, except for the sounds /tʃ/ /s/ /h/ and /ʂ/.[15] Seward Peninsula Iñupiaq (using vocabulary from the Little Diomede Island as a representative sample) likewise can have all consonants represented by orthography appear as geminates, except for /b/ /h/ /ŋ//ʂ/ /w/ /z/ and /ʐ/. Gemination is caused by suffixes being added to a consonant, so that the consonant is found between two vowels.[15]
Iñupiaq was first written when explorers first arrived in Alaska and began recording words in the native languages. They wrote by adapting the letters of their own language to writing the sounds they were recording. Spelling was often inconsistent, since the writers invented it as they wrote. Unfamiliar sounds were often confused with other sounds, so that, for example, 'q' was often not distinguished from 'k' and long consonants or vowels were not distinguished from short ones.
Along with the Alaskan and Siberian Yupik, the Iñupiat eventually adopted the Latin script that Moravian missionaries developed in Greenland and Labrador. Native Alaskans also developed a system of pictographs,[which?] which, however, died with its creators.[20]
In 1946, Roy Ahmaogak, an Iñupiaq Presbyterian minister from Utqiaġvik, worked with Eugene Nida, a member of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, to develop the current Iñupiaq alphabet based on the Latin script. Although some changes have been made since its origin—most notably the change from 'ḳ' to 'q'—the essential system was accurate and is still in use.
Iñupiaq alphabet (North Slope and Northwest Arctic)[21]
Due to the number of dialects and complexity of Iñupiaq morphosyntax, the following section discusses Malimiutun morphosyntax as a representative. Any examples from other dialects will be marked as such.
Iñupiaq is a polysynthetic language, meaning that words can be extremely long, consisting of one of three stems (verb stem, noun stem, and demonstrative stem) along with one or more of three endings (postbases, (grammatical) endings, and enclitics).[15] The stem gives meaning to the word, whereas endings give information regarding case, mood, tense, person, plurality, etc. The stem can appear as simple (having no postbases) or complex (having one or more postbases). In Iñupiaq a "postbase serves somewhat the same functions that adverbs, adjectives, prefixes, and suffixes do in English" along with marking various types of tenses.[15] There are six word classes in Malimiut Inñupiaq: nouns (see Nominal Morphology), verbs (see Verbal Morphology), adverbs, pronouns, conjunctions, and interjections. All demonstratives are classified as either adverbs or pronouns.[18]
Iñupiaq nouns can likewise be classified by Wolf A. Seiler's seven noun classes.[18][22] These noun classes are "based on morphological behavior. [They] ... have no semantic basis but are useful for case formation ... stems of various classes interact with suffixes differently".[18]
Due to the nature of the morphology, a single case can take on up to 12 endings (ignoring the fact that realization of these endings can change depending on noun class). For example, the possessed ergative ending for a class 1a noun can take on the endings: -ma, ‑mnuk, ‑pta, ‑vich, ‑ptik, -psi, -mi, -mik, -miŋ, -ŋan, -ŋaknik, and ‑ŋata. Therefore, only general features will be described below. For an extensive list on case endings, please see Seiler 2012, Appendix 4, 6, and 7.[22]
Absolutive case/noun stems
The subject of an intransitive sentence or the object of a transitive sentence take on the absolutive case. This case is likewise used to mark the basic form of a noun. Therefore, all the singular, dual, and plural absolutive forms serve as stems for the other oblique cases.[15] The following chart is verified of both Malimiutun and North Slope Iñupiaq.
If the singular absolutive form ends with -n, it has the underlying form of -ti /tə/. This form will show in the absolutive dual and plural forms. Therefore:
Regarding nouns that have an underlying /ə/ (weak i), the i will change to an a and the previous consonant will be geminated in the dual form. Therefore:
Kamik
boot
→
kammak
two boots
Kamik → kammak
boot {} {two boots}
If the singular form of the noun ends with -k, the preceding vowel will be elongated. Therefore:
savik
knife
→
saviik
two knives
savik → saviik
knife {} {two knives}
On occasion, the consonant preceding the final vowel is also geminated, though exact phonological reasoning is unclear.[18]
Ergative case
The ergative case is often referred to as the Relative Case in Iñupiaq sources.[15] This case marks the subject of a transitive sentence or a genitive (possessive) noun phrase. For non-possessed noun phrases, the noun is marked only if it is a third person singular. The unmarked nouns leave ambiguity as to who/what is the subject and object. This can be resolved only through context.[15][18] Possessed noun phrases and noun phrases expressing genitive are marked in ergative for all persons.[18]
Marks the apparent patient (grammatical object upon which the action was carried out) of syntactically intransitive verbs
Miñułiqtugut
paint-IND-3SG.OBJ
umiamik.
boat-INS
(having the previous verb being done to it)
Miñułiqtugut umiamik.
paint-IND-3SG.OBJ boat-INS
We're painting a boat.
Marks information new to the narrative (when the noun is first mentioned in a narrative)
Marks indefinite objects of some transitive verbs
Tuyuġaat
send-IND-3PL.SBJ-3SG.OBJ
tuyuutimik.
letter-INS
(new piece of information)
Tuyuġaat tuyuutimik.
send-IND-3PL.SBJ-3SG.OBJ letter-INS
They sent him a letter.
Marks the specification of a noun's meaning to incorporate the meaning of another noun (without incorporating both nouns into a single word) (Modalis of specification)[15]
Niġiqaqtuguk
food—have-IND-1DU.SBJ
tuttumik.
caribou-INS
(specifying that the caribou is food by referring to the previous noun)
Iñupiaq numerals are base-20 with a sub-base of 5. The numbers 1 to 20 are:[23]
1
2
3
4
5
atausiq
malġuk
piŋasut
sisamat
tallimat
6
7
8
9
10
itchaksrat
tallimat malġuk
tallimat piŋasut
quliŋŋuġutaiḷaq
qulit
11
12
13
14
15
qulit atausiq
qulit malġuk
qulit piŋasut
akimiaġutaiḷaq
akimiaq
16
17
18
19
20
akimiaq atausiq
akimiaq malġuk
akimiaq piŋasut
iñuiññaġutaiḷaq
iñuiññaq
The sub-base of five shows in the words for 5, tallimat, and 15, akimiaq, to which the numbers 1 to 3 are added to create the words for 7, 8, 16, 17 and 18, etc. (itchaksrat '6' being irregular). Apart from sisamat '4', numbers before a multiple of five are indicated with the subtractive element -utaiḷaq: quliŋŋuġutaiḷaq '9' from qulit '10', akimiaġutaiḷaq '14' from akimiaq '15', iñuiññaġutaiḷaq '19' from iñuiññaq '20'.[24]
Scores are created with the element -kipiaq, and numbers between the scores are composed by adding 1 through 19 to these. Multiples of 400 are created with -agliaq and 8000's with -pak. Note that these words will vary between singular -q and plural -t, depending on the speaker and whether they are being used for counting or for modifying a noun.
#
Number
Semantics
20
iñuiññaq
20
25
iñuiññaq tallimat
20 + 5
29
iñuiññaq quliŋŋuġutaiḷaq
20 + 10 − 1
30
iñuiññaq qulit
20 + 10
35
iñuiññaq akimiaq
20 + 15
39
malġukipiaġutaiḷaq
2×20 − 1
40
malġukipiaq
2×20
45
malġukipiaq tallimat
2×20 + 5
50
malġukipiaq qulit
2×20 + 10
55
malġukipiaq akimiaq
2×20 + 15
60
piŋasukipiaq
3×20
70
piŋasukipiaq qulit
3×20 + 10
80
sisamakipiaq
4×20
90
sisamakipiaq qulit
4×20 + 10
99
tallimakipiaġutaiḷaq
5×20 − 1
100
tallimakipiaq
5×20
110
tallimakipiaq qulit
5×20 + 10
120
tallimakipiaq iñuiññaq
5×20 + 20
140
tallimakipiaq malġukipiaq
5×20 + 2×20
160
tallimakipiaq piŋasukipiaq
5×20 + 3×20
180
tallimakipiaq sisamakipiaq
5×20 + 4×20
200
qulikipiaq
10×20
300
akimiakipiaq
15×20
400
iñuiññakipiaq (in reindeer herding and math, iḷagiññaq)
20×20
800
malġuagliaq
2×400
1200
piŋasuagliaq
3×400
1600
sisamaagliaq
4×400
2000
tallimaagliaq
5×400
2400
tallimaagliaq iḷagiññaq
5×400 + 400
2800
tallimaagliaq malġuagliaq
5×400 + 2×400
4000
quliagliaq
10×400
6000
akimiagliaq
15×400
7999
atausiqpautaiḷaq
8000 − 1
8000
atausiqpak
8000
16,000
malġuqpak
2×8000
24,000
piŋasuqpak
3×8000
32,000
sisamaqpak
4×8000
40,000
tallimaqpak
5×8000
48,000
tallimaqpak atausiqpak
5×8000 + 8000
72,000
tallimaqpak sisamaqpak
5×8000 + 4×8000
80,000
quliqpak
10×8000
120,000
akimiaqpak
15×8000
160,000
iñuiññaqpak
20×8000
320,000
malġukipiaqpak
2×20×8000
480,000
piŋasukipiaqpak
3×20×8000
640,000
sisamakipiaqpak
4×20×8000
800,000
tallimakipiaqpak
5×20×8000
1,600,000
qulikipiaqpak
10×20×8000
2,400,000
akimiakipiaqpak
15×20×8000
3,200,000
iḷagiññaqpak
400×8000
6,400,000
malġuagliaqpak
2×400×8000
9,600,000
piŋasuagliaqpak
3×400×8000
12,800,000
sisamaagliaqpak
4×400×8000
16 million
tallimaagliaqpak
5x400×8000
32 million
quliagliaqpak
10×400×8000
48 million
akimiagliaqpak
15×400×8000
The system continues through compounding suffixes to a maximum of iñuiññagliaqpakpiŋatchaq (20×400×80003, ≈ 4 quadrillion), e.g.
#
Number
Semantics
64 million
atausiqpakaippaq
1×80002
1,280 million
iñuiññaqpakaippaq
20×80002
25.6 billion
iḷagiññaqpakaippaq
400×80002
511,999,999,999
atausiqpakpiŋatchaġutaiḷaq
1×80003 − 1
512 billion
atausiqpakpiŋatchaq
1×80003
10.24 trillion
iñuiññaqpakpiŋatchaq
20×80003
204.8 trillion
iḷagiññaqpakpiŋatchaq
400×80003
2.048 quadrillion
quliagliaqpakpiŋatchaq
10×400×80003
There is also a decimal system for the hundreds and thousands, with the numerals qavluun for 100 and kavluutit for 1000, thus malġuk qavluun 200, malġuk kavluutit 2000, etc.[25]
Etymology
The numeral five, tallimat, is derived from the word for hand/arm. The word for 10, qulit, is derived from the word for "top", meaning the ten digits on the top part of the body. The numeral for 15, akimiaq, means something like "it goes across", and the numeral for 20, iñuiññaq means something like "entire person" or "complete person", indicating the 20 digits of all extremities.[24]
Verbal morphology
Again, Malimiutun Iñupiaq is used as a representative example in this section. The basic structure of the verb is [(verb) + (derivational suffix) + (inflectional suffix) + (enclitic)], although Lanz (2010) argues that this approach is insufficient since it "forces one to analyze ... optional ... suffixes".[18] Every verb has an obligatory inflection for person, number, and mood (all marked by a single suffix), and can have other inflectional suffixes such as tense, aspect, modality, and various suffixes carrying adverbial functions.[18]
Tense
Tense marking is always optional. The only explicitly marked tense is the future tense. Past and present tense cannot be marked and are always implied. All verbs can be marked through adverbs to show relative time (using words such as "yesterday" or "tomorrow"). If neither of these markings is present, the verb can imply a past, present, or future tense.[18]
My sister (will) give(s) birth tomorrow. (the future tense "will" is implied by the word tomorrow)
Aspect
Marking aspect is optional in Iñupiaq verbs. Both North Slope and Malimiut Iñupiaq have a perfective versus imperfective distinction in aspect, along with other distinctions such as: frequentative (-ataq; "to repeatedly verb"), habitual (-suu; "to always, habitually verb"), inchoative (-łhiñaaq; "about to verb"), and intentional (-saġuma; "intend to verb"). The aspect suffix can be found after the verb root and before or within the obligatory person-number-mood suffix.[18]
"who owns a boat" is one word, where the meaning of the English "who" is implied through the case.
Interrogative
Formation of yes/no questions and content questions
Puuvratlavich.
swim-POT-2-INTERR
Puuvratlavich.
swim-POT-2-INTERR
Can you (singular) swim?
Yes/no question
Suvisik?
what-2DU-INTERR
Suvisik?
what-2DU-INTERR
What are you two doing?
Content question (this is a single word)
Imperative
A command
Naalaġiñ!
listen-2SG-IMP
Naalaġiñ!
listen-2SG-IMP
Listen!
Conditionals
Conditional and hypothetical statements
Kakkama
hungry-1SG-COND-PFV
niġiŋaruŋa.
eat-PFV-1SG-IND
Kakkama niġiŋaruŋa.
hungry-1SG-COND-PFV eat-PFV-1SG-IND
When I got hungry, I ate.
Conditional statement. The verb "eat" is in the indicative mood because it is simply a declarative statement.
Kaakkumi
hungry-1SG-COND-IPFV
niġiñiaqtuŋa.
eat-FUT-1SG-IND
Kaakkumi niġiñiaqtuŋa.
hungry-1SG-COND-IPFV eat-FUT-1SG-IND
If I get hungry, I will eat.
Hypothetical statement. The verb "eat" is in the indicative mood because it is simply a statement.
Coordinative
Formation of dependent clauses that function as modifiers of independent clauses
Agliqiłuŋa
read-1SG-COORD
niġiruŋa.
eat-1SG-IND
Agliqiłuŋa niġiruŋa.
read-1SG-COORD eat-1SG-IND
[While] reading, I eat.
The coordinative case on the verb "read" signifies that the verb is happening at the same time as the main clause ("eat" - marked by indicative because it is simply a declarative statement).
Indicative mood endings can be transitive or intransitive, as seen in the table below.
Indicative intransitive endings
Indicative transitive endings
OBJECT
Mood marker
3s
3d
3p
2s
2d
2p
1s
1d
1p
+t/ru
ŋa
guk
gut
1S
1D
1P
S
U
B
J
E
C
T
+kI/gI
ga
kpuk
kput
kka
←
←
tka
vuk
vut
kpiñ
↓
visigiñ
vsik
↓
↓
vsI
↓
↓
1S
1D
1P
S
U
B
J
E
C
T
tin
sik
sI
2S
2D
2P
n
ksik
ksi
kkiñ
←
←
tin
sik
si
ŋma
vsiŋŋa
vsiñŋa
vsiguk
↓
↓
vsigut
↓
↓
2S
2D
2P
q
k
t
3S
SD
3P
+ka/ga
a
ak
at
ik
↓←
↓←
I
↓
It
atin
↓
↓
asik
↓
↓
asI
↓
↓
aŋa
aŋŋa
aŋŋa
atiguk
↓
↓
atigut
↓
↓
3S
3D
3P
Syntax
Nearly all syntactic operations in the Malimiut dialect of Iñiupiaq—and Inuit languages and dialects in general—are carried out via morphological means.[18]
The language aligns to an ergative-absolutive case system, which is mainly shown through nominal case markings and verb agreement (see above).[18]
The basic word order is subject-object-verb. However, word order is flexible and both subject and/or object can be omitted. There is a tendency for the subject of a transitive verb (marked by the ergative case) to precede the object of the clause (marked by the absolutive case). There is likewise a tendency for the subject of an intransitive verb (marked by the absolutive case) to precede the verb. The subject of an intransitive verb and the object of a clause (both marked by the absolutive case) are usually found right before the verb. However, "this is [all] merely a tendency."[18]
Noun incorporation is a common phenomenon in Malimiutun Iñupiaq. The first type of noun incorporation is lexical compounding. Within this subset of noun incorporation, the noun, which represents an instrument, location, or patient in relation to the verb, is attached to the front of the verb stem, creating a new intransitive verb. The second type is manipulation of case. It is argued whether this form of noun incorporation is present as noun incorporation in Iñupiaq, or "semantically transitive noun incorporation"—since with this kind of noun incorporation the verb remains transitive. The noun phrase subjects are incorporated not syntactically into the verb but rather as objects marked by the instrumental case. The third type of incorporation, manipulation of discourse structure, is supported by Mithun (1984) and argued against by Lanz (2010). See Lanz's paper for further discussion.[18] The final type of incorporation is classificatory noun incorporation, whereby a "general [noun] is incorporated into the [verb], while a more specific [noun] narrows the scope".[18] With this type of incorporation, the external noun can take on external modifiers and, like the other incorporations, the verb becomes intransitive. See Nominal Morphology (Instrumental Case, Usage of Instrumental table, row four) on this page for an example.
Switch-references
Switch-references occur in dependent clauses only with third person subjects. The verb must be marked as reflexive if the third person subject of the dependent clause matches the subject of the main clause (more specifically matrix clause).[18] Compare:
The verb in the matrix clause (to eat) refers to the same person because the verb in the dependent clause (To get hungry) is reflexive. Therefore, a single person got hungry and ate.
Kaaŋman
hungry-3-NREFL-COND
niġiŋaruq.
eat-3-IND
Kaaŋman niġiŋaruq.
hungry-3-NREFL-COND eat-3-IND
When he/she got hungry, (someone else) ate.
The verb in the matrix clause (to eat) refers to a different singular person because the verb in the dependent clause (To get hungry) is non-reflexive.
Text sample
This is a sample of the Iñupiaq language of the Kivalina variety from Kivalina Reader, published in 1975.
This is the English translation, from the same source:
Aaŋŋaayiña was born in Shishmaref. He grew up in Point Hope and Kivalina. He marries Aivayuaq. They had eleven children. Six of them are alive. One of the children is Qiñuġana.
Vocabulary comparison
The comparison of various vocabulary in four different dialects:
^ abcdefghijklmnoDorais, Louis-Jacques (2010). The Language of the Inuit: Syntax, Semantics, and Society in the Arctic. McGill-Queen's University Press. p. 28. ISBN978-0-7735-3646-3.
^ abcBurch 1980 Ernest S. Burch, Jr., Traditional Eskimo Societies in Northwest Alaska. Senri Ethnological Studies 4:253-304
^Spencer 1959 Robert F. Spencer, The North Alaskan Eskimo: A study in ecology and society, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, 171 : 1-490
^ abcLowe, Ronald (1984). Uummarmiut Uqalungiha Mumikhitchiȓutingit: Basic Uummarmiut Eskimo Dictionary. Inuvik, Northwest Territories, Canada: Committee for Original Peoples Entitlement. pp. xix–xxii. ISBN0-9691597-1-4.
^ abcKaplan, Lawrence (1981). Phonological Issues In North Alaska Iñupiaq. Alaska Native Language Center, University of Fairbanks. p. 85. ISBN0-933769-36-9.
^Kaplan, Larry (1981). North Slope Iñupiaq Literacy Manual. Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska Fairbanks.
^Project NamingArchived 2006-10-28 at the Wayback Machine, the identification of Inuit portrayed in photographic collections at Library and Archives Canada
^Kaplan, Lawrence (2000). "L'Iñupiaq et les contacts linguistiques en Alaska". In Tersis, Nicole and Michèle Therrien (eds.), Les langues eskaléoutes: Sibérie, Alaska, Canada, Groënland, pages 91-108. Paris: CNRS Éditions. For an overview of Iñupiaq phonology, see pages 92-94.
^MacLean (2014) Iñupiatun Uqaluit Taniktun Sivuninit / Iñupiaq to English Dictionary, p. 840 ff
^ abClark, Bartley William (2014). Iñupiatun Uqaluit Taniktun Sivuninit/Iñupiaq to English Dictionary (11 ed.). Fairbanks: University of Alaska. pp. 831–841. ISBN9781602232334.
Blatchford, DJ. Just Like That!: Legends and Such, English to Iñupiaq Alphabet. Kasilof, AK: Just Like That!, 2003. ISBN0-9723303-1-3
Bodfish, Emma, and David Baumgartner. Iñupiat Grammar. Utqiaġvigmi: Utqiaġvium minuaqtuġviata Iñupiatun savagvianni, 1979.
Kaplan, Lawrence D. Phonological Issues in North Alaskan Iñupiaq. Alaska Native Language Center research papers, no. 6. Fairbanks, Alaska (Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska, Fairbanks 99701): Alaska Native Language Center, 1981.
Kaplan, Lawrence. Iñupiaq Phrases and Conversations. Fairbanks, AK: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska, 2000. ISBN1-55500-073-8
MacLean, Edna Ahgeak. Iñupiallu Tanņiḷḷu Uqaluņisa Iḷaņich = Abridged Iñupiaq and English Dictionary. Fairbanks, Alaska: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska, 1980.
MacLean, Edna Ahgeak. Beginning North Slope Iñupiaq Grammar. Fairbanks, Alaska: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska, 1979.
Seiler, Wolf A. Iñupiatun Eskimo Dictionary. Kotzebue, Alaska: NANA Regional Corporation, 2005.
Seiler, Wolf. The Modalis Case in Iñupiat: (Eskimo of North West Alaska). Giessener Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft, Bd. 14. Grossen-Linden: Hoffmann, 1978. ISBN3-88098-019-5
Webster, Donald Humphry, and Wilfried Zibell. Iñupiat Eskimo Dictionary. 1970.
https://scholarship.rice.edu/bitstream/handle/1911/62097/3421210.PDF?sequence=1 — Linda A. Lanz's Grammar of Iñupiaq (Malimiutun) Morphosyntax. The majority of grammar introduced on this Wikipedia page is cited from this grammar. Lanz's explanations are very detailed and thorough—a great source for gaining a more in-depth understanding of Iñupiaq grammar.
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