The party faced a major defeat in the 1994 general election, after which the first two cabinets without its participation were formed. The CDA regained its status as the largest party between 2002 and 2010, during which leader Jan Peter Balkenende headed four cabinets. Between 2010 and 2023, the party saw further electoral decline under varied leadership, participating in three of four cabinets as a junior coalition partner. Following the 2023 general election, the party holds five seats in opposition, now led by Henri Bontenbal.
During the Interwar period, all three parties remained continuously in government. After World War II, however, the KVP distanced itself from the CHU and especially the ARP, refraining from governing with them until 1952 and 1958, respectively, instead forming Roman/Red cabinets with the Labour Party (PvdA).[9] Meanwhile, the parties began collaborating at the European level, with the CHU and ARP joining the KVP in the Nouvelles Equipes Internationale in 1953.[10][11] Due to secularisation and depillarisation, the three parties lost their combined majority[a] in the 1959 general election for the first time since 1918.[12]
Merger talks
Influenced by the Second Vatican Council, the KVP published the report Grondslag en karakter van de KVP (transl. Foundation and Character of the KVP) and adopted its conclusions, which called for Christian democratic cooperation, in December 1966.[13] The Night of Schmelzer in October 1966 exposed divisions both between and within the three parties, leading to disappointing election results for each.[14] Consequently, the three parties accepted an ARP initiative to form the Group of Eighteen in April 1967, comprising six prominent politicians from each party, tasked with establishing a common foundation for Christian politics and, if successful, determining the best path forward.[15]
Meanwhile, Christian-radical members within the three parties grew dissatisfied with their support in the 1967 general election, as they favored cooperation with progressive parties over alignment with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) in the De Jong cabinet.[16] To prevent this group from disrupting party cooperation, the leaders of the three parties announced on 14 February 1968 that in the next election, they would either unite into a single Christian party or only join the cabinet together.[17] This announcement led a group of KVP radicals to leave the party the same month, founding the Political Party of Radicals (PPR).[18] Two years later, a group of ARP radicals also left to establish the Evangelical Progressive Party (EVP).[19]
In 1969, the Group of Eighteen proposed drafting a joint "urgency programme,"[20] which the parties completed shortly before the 1971 general election, where they again lost seats.[21] Following up on the Group of Eighteen, the Contact Council was established in 1972 to further develop their cooperation.[22] Led by KVP Senator Piet Steenkamp, the council issued a memorandum in June 1972, advocating a single candidate list for the next election and the formation of a Christian democratic movement, with membership open to members of the three parties as well as direct members.[23]
A month later, however, the first Biesheuvel cabinet collapsed, leaving insufficient time to prepare a single candidate list, resulting in another loss in the 1972 general election.[24] As part of its polarisation strategy, the PvdA persuaded several KVP and ARP politicians to join its progressive Den Uyl cabinet during the 1972–1973 cabinet formation. This arrangement required their parliamentary groups to provide confidence and supply, while the CHU moved into opposition.[25][26] This shift complicated the merger process, as the CHU stipulated that a joint list would depend on the "actual parliamentary political situation" (the so-called "political mortgage").[27]
Federation
ARP leader Willem Aantjes held a speech during the first CDA convention in 1975 in which he argued for the importance of the evangelical guidelines in the party. The speech became known as his sermon on the mount.[28]
Nevertheless, based on the memorandum, the Christian Democratic Appeal was officially formed as a pre-federation in 1973,[29] with Steenkamp as its chairperson. It would employ a "growth model", in which they would work out political and organizational details, while keeping the original parties until the last moment.[30] Meanwhile discussions continued on the role of the Bible in the party[31] and the political course. When the pre-federation was turned into a federation in 1975, some conservative members of the CHU and ARP left to form the Reformatory Political Federation (RPF).[32]
Van Agt cabinets, 1977–1982
The CDA's founder and inaugural chairman Piet Steenkamp (left) and inaugural party leader and Prime Minister Dries van Agt (right) in 1977
In 1976, the three parties announced that they would field a single candidate list at the 1977 general election, after their parliamentary groups had intensified cooperation.[33] KVP minister of JusticeDries van Agt was the lead candidate. The election manifesto was titled "Not by bread alone" (Dutch: Niet bij brood alleen) and was progressive.[34] The list was able to get one seat more than the three parties together five years earlier. Based on the results, a cabinet of PvdA, CDA and Democrats 66 (D66) was most likely and was discussed at the start of the 1977 cabinet formation. After seven months, the negotiations finally collapsed, after it had been suspended multiple times. Soon after, Van Agt was able to form the first Van Agt cabinet with the conservative liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD).
Some progressive MPs nicknamed the loyalists, which included parliamentary leader Willem Aantjes, did not commit to support the cabinet, but only tolerated it. Their opposition forced the cabinet to compromise on the placement of nuclear weapons in the Netherlands.[35] This issue would continue to divide the party until it was resolved in the 1980s and would contribute to the removal of loyalists Jan Nico Scholten and Stef Dijkman from the parliamentary group in 1983.[36] Nevertheless, the first Van Agt cabinet was able to complete its term.
The federation was founding member of the European People's Party on 8 July 1978.[37] For the 1979 European Parliament election, they had first selected Wim Vergeer (KVP), but after Ruud Lubbers (KVP) had replaced Aantjes as parliamentary leader, Bouke Beumer (ARP) was selected. CDA won ten out of 25 seats and was the largest Dutch delegation to distribute the leadership between the parties.[38]
On 11 October 1980, the three original parties ceased to exist and the CDA was founded as a unitary party. The differences between the groups would continue to exist for a long time within the party.[39] It led to another group of members leaving the party and joining with the EPV to found the Evangelical People's Party (EVP).[19]
For the 1981 general election, Van Agt was reelected as lead candidate.[40] Its election manifesto was titled "For a meaningful existence" (Dutch: Om een zinvol bestaan) and compared to the previous manifesto shifted responsibility from the government to society.[34] CDA became the largest party, despite losing a seat. Because CDA and VVD had lost their majority, the second Van Agt cabinet with PvdA and D66 was formed in the 1981 cabinet formation. Bad relations between PvdA and CDA led to crises from the start, and the cabinet fell within a year.[40] Van Agt led the rump cabinetVan Agt III with D66 to prepare the next election.
Lubbers cabinets, 1982–1994
Ruud Lubbers, party leader and Prime Minister from 1982 until 1994.
Van Agt was again lead candidate for the general election and its manifesto was the same as the previous year with an attachment.[34] CDA lost three seats and ended second after PvdA. After the elections, Van Agt announced that he would leave politics and was succeeded as party leader by Lubbers. During the September–November 1982 cabinet formation, Lubbers would form the first Lubbers cabinet with the VVD. To combat the economic crisis, the cabinet implemented budget cuts, limited the welfare state and privatised state-owned companies.[41] A major achievement was the Wassenaar Agreement in 1982, in which trade unions agreed to wage moderation in exchange for reduction of working hours by employers' organisations. This would be the start of the polder model, a concept in line with CDA's principle of distributed responsibility.[42]
The 1986 general election took place when the economy was improving,[43] but the manifesto nevertheless focused on reducing the welfare state and shifting the responsibility to society.[41] Given Lubber's popularity for his "no-nonsense approach", the slogan was "Let Lubbers finish his job" (Dutch: Laat Lubbers zijn afmaken). CDA won 54 seats, the highest a single party had ever won, mostly at the expense of the VVD.[43] After the 1986 cabinet formation, the second Lubbers cabinet continuing with VVD as coalition partner. VVD felt like being in the supporting role, and finally brought down the cabinet in 1989 over the travel expenses allowance.[43]
The manifesto for the 1989 general election built upon the previous with the addition of environmental management among the priorities.[41] The CDA kept its 54 seats and after the 1989 cabinet formation the third Lubbers cabinet was formed with the PvdA. A notable reform in line with the CDA principle of distributed responsibility, was the privatization of the housing associations by CDA State Secretary for Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment Enneüs Heerma, with which he started in 1989 and was finished in 1994.[44]
In the run-up to the 1994 general election, Lubbers announced he would retire from Dutch politics and had named Elco Brinkman his successor. During the campaign, Lubbers appeared to distance himself from Brinkman. Furthermore, the freezing of pensions they had included in their manifesto proved unpopular with its elderly voters. CDA lost 20 of its 54 seats.[43] The 1994 cabinet formation led to the first purple coalition, the first time since 1918 that CDA or its predecessors were not part of a cabinet. Enneüs Heerma succeeded Brinkman as parliamentary leader and attempted to be the voice of the opposition and bring the topic of family on the political agenda, but failed in both.[45]
Jaap de Hoop Scheffer was selected as lead candidate for the 1998 general election.[45] The election manifesto "You don't live together alone" (Dutch: Samenleven doe je niet alleen) differed from previous ones, focusing on communitarianism in contrast to the individualism of the purple coalition.[46] However, De Hoop Scheffers was relatively unknown compared to his opponents, and the CDA, as a centrist party, struggled to simultaneously target both the left-wing PvdA and the right-wing VVD. It led to another loss of five seats and a continuation of the cabinet without CDA.[45]
Balkenende cabinets, 2002–2010
Jan Peter Balkenende, party leader from 2001 until 2010 and Prime Minister from 2002 until 2010.
In the run-up to the 2002 general election, a leadership crisis erupted between party leader De Hoop Scheffer and party chair Marnix van Rij, after which they both left.[47] De Hoop Scheffer was succeeded as lead candidate by Jan Peter Balkenende. The campaign was dominated by the right-wing politician Pim Fortuyn and Pim Fortuyn List (LPF) with his critique of the purple cabinets. Fortuyn and Balkenende had agreed not to attack each other during the campaign. Near the end of the campaign, Fortuyn was assassinated, which led to civil unrest. In the election, many people voted for the CDA, hoping that it could bring stability and because it had not attacked Fortuyn like many other parties.[48] CDA became the largest party with 43 seats, followed by LPF with 26 seats. In the 2002 cabinet formation, the first Balkenende cabinet was formed with CDA, VVD and LPF. The cabinet would fall after only three months due to struggles within the LPF.[49]
CDA won another seat in the 2003 general election and remained the largest party. CDA started negotiations with PvdA in the 2003 cabinet formation, but after this failed, the second Balkenende cabinet was formed with VVD and D66. To comply with the deficit limits of the European Stability and Growth Pact, the cabinet cut back on social security, leading to protest within CDA.[49] A major reform, which was started under the previous cabinet, was the introduction of a new system of health care insurance plan, which made an end to the distinction between public and private healthcare insurance funds, with the aim of reducing costs and waiting lists.[50] The cabinet fell in 2006 after D66 left, leading to the formation of the third Balkenende cabinet as rump cabinet with VVD.[49]
Despite open internal opposition, Balkenende was again selected as lead candidate for the 2010 general election, in which CDA lost half of its seats. Balkenende announced his resignation as party leader and was replaced by Maxime Verhagen.[49] At first, Verhagen was aiming for opposition during the 2010 cabinet formation. However, after talks between purple plus collapsed, CDA entered negotiations with VVD and Party for Freedom (PVV), the latter would be providing confidence and supply. Within the party, some opposed a coalition with the radical right PVV. Verhagen's co-negotiator Ab Klink resigned over the negotiations and two other MPs threatened to oppose the coalition, which would make it lose its majority. A special party convention [nl] was held to approve the result of the negotiations, which 68% of the record 4,700 members did.[51] On 14 October, the first Rutte cabinet was sworn in with Verhagen as Deputy Prime Minister.
After the fall of the short-lived first Rutte cabinet in 2012, CDA held a leadership election, which was won by interim parliamentary leader Sybrand Buma, with runner-up Mona Keijzer receiving 26% of the votes. The election manifesto for the 2012 general election was titled "Everyone" (Dutch: Iedereen) after a Strategic Deliberation had advised a position in the "radical centre", focusing on all layers of society.[52] In the election, CDA fell to 13 seats. CDA played no role in the 2012 cabinet formation which lead to the second Rutte cabinet and also stayed out of agreements the coalition made with opposition parties.[53] In opposition, Buma followed a right-conservative line,[54] embracing the "angry citizen" and focusing on norms and values.[55]
Its manifesto for the 2017 general election, "Choices for a better Netherlands", focused on norms and values, Dutch identity, insecurities and opposed excessive individualism.[52] The CDA gained sixed seats and joined the third Rutte cabinet, with the VVD, D66 and CU.[53]
Buma resigned in May 2019 and was succeeded temporarily by Pieter Heerma as parliamentary leader. A leadership election did not take place until July 2020. The chaotic election was narrowly won by Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Health, Welfare and SportHugo de Jonge, with MP Pieter Omtzigt as runner-up. De Jonge withdrew as lead candidate in December, because he could not combine it with his duties as minister during the COVID-19 pandemic. In his place, the party board appointed Minister of Finance Wopke Hoekstra.[56]
The party lost four seats in the March 2021 election.[56] After the longest ever cabinet formation the party continued in fourth Rutte cabinet, which had the same composition as the previous. During the formation, Omtzigt had left the party, alleging he had been treated unfairly in the party, and later started the party New Social Contract (NSC). During the cabinet period, the party struggled with its position in the nitrogen crisis and the farmers' protests that followed. The party faced electoral competition from the new political party Farmer–Citizen Movement (BBB) on this issue.
The CDA is a centre[58][59] to centre-right[60][61][62]Christian democratic party. It started relatively progressive compared to other European Christian democratic parties or secular conservative parties, but followed the general trend in Dutch politics in becoming more conservative and centre-right.[63] The party had long been reluctant to call itself conservative,[63] but it has been embraced by Bontenbal in 2023.[64] It has become more communitarianist, in particular under Balkenende's leadership, who was inspired by sociologist Amitai Etzioni.[65]
Following the principles of distributed responsibility, CDA has always focused on a "responsible society", where intervention by the government should be limited. To achieve this, CDA cherishes civil society. In its 1977 election manifesto, it ascertained that Dutch society was not yet a real responsible society, and that the government should help society achieve this. In the 1980s, CDA concluded that the government spending levels were unsustainable and focused on budgets cuts and reducing the welfare state. In the 1990s, its confidence in and expectations of society grew, as well in the responsibility of individual citizens. Notable reforms in this direction have been the privatisation of the housing associations in 1994 and the healthcare reform in 2006.[68]
Environment
CDA supports the protection of the environment based on the principle of stewardship. It aims to reconcile the protection of the environment with economic growth, although the latter often prevailed.[69]
CDA has always held a middle position in the debate on abortion in the Netherlands, advocating for "no unless". CDA supports the right to abortion when the life of the woman is in danger. It has accepted since its creation that a majority in the Netherlands was in favor of abortion beyond that, arguing that their own ethical values should not be codified in law. CDA is however in favor of some limitations, including abortion being in the Criminal Code and a reflection period of five days.[70] A majority of its representatives voted for the compromise abortion law in 1981,[70] while a majority voted against the removal of the reflection period in 2021.[71]
Family
Today, CDA supports same-sex marriage in the Netherlands, although it did not do so early on. From the start CDA opposed same-sex marriage, but supported the registration of other forms of cohabitation. This was more explicitly mentioned in election manifestos after its think thank published its report 1+1=together in 1986.[72] In 1997, CDA voted against a bill that would allow civil union for same-sex relationships, because it would also be open to opposite-sex relationships. In 2000, all but three CDA members of parliament voted against the introduction of same-sex marriage.[b] Since then, CDA became more supportive of same-sex marriage, voting in favour of a law giving married lesbians the same parenting rights as opposite-sex parents.[73]
International affairs
Europe
Based on the Chapel Hill expert survey (2014), CDA can be qualified as "Eurorealist",[74] while it had been more pro-European in the past. In its party manifesto in 1980, the CDA strived for a "united Europe" and in 1979 they had endorsed the EPP election manifesto which called for a federal Europe.[75] In the early 2000s CDA started emphasizing the national identity, writing in its 2004 election manifesto it wanted "to ensure that we do not lose our own Dutch identity in the larger Europe".[76] A turning point was the 2005 referendum on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, which was voted down. CDA had officially endorsed the Treaty, but Balkenende was largely absent during the campaign.[77] The focus shifted to the national interest in Europe. Around the same that the EPP started to distance itself from a federal Europe in its new party manifesto, CDA wrote in its manifesto for the 2014 European Parliament election the party "is and remains against a federal Europe". It turned against enlargement of the European Union, which it had supported in the previous decade.[78]
The core electorate of the CDA are church members, both Catholics and Protestants. Part of the electoral decline can be attributed to secularisation (9-10 seats in the period 1970-2010), while church members increasingly have been voting for other (mostly non-religious) parties (10-14 seats in the period 1970-2010). Non church members at times also vote for CDA, with a record during the 2002 general election.[102] The CDA has been stated to be an issue owner of "norms and values".[103]
2021–2023
Voter surveys held after the March 2021 general election and the March 2023 provincial elections showed that the average CDA voter's self-placement on a left-right axis was slightly to the right of the average voter. They were slightly less supportive of euthanasia and climate policy. CDA voters were more opposed to immigration than the average voter in 2021, but this difference had disappeared by 2023. 2023 CDA voters also had more trust in political parties than the average voter. The average CDA voter was older than the average voter, at 63 in 2021 (compared to 55 among all voters) and 61 in 2023 (compared to 56 among all voters). Around 60% of CDA voters described themselves as religious, a proportion twice as high as the proportion among all voters. Around 60 to 70% of CDA voters lived in rural areas, compared to roughly half of all voters. CDA voters felt considerably more connected to other people than voters of other parties and, in 2023, were slightly happier about their life.[104]
Organisation
Linked organisations
CDA Research Institute
The think tanks of CDA's predecessors, Dr. Abraham Kuyperstichting (ARP), Centrum voor Staatkundige Vorming (KVP) and the Jhr.mr. A.F. de Savornin Lohmanstichting (CHU), started working together in 1972 and played a role in the Contact Council. On 15 December 1977, the Stichting Studiecentrum CDA was founded as a collaborative body for the three think tanks. The think tanks merged into the Stichting Studiecentrum CDA in 1980, when the parties merged, and in 1981 the name was changed to CDA Research Institute (Dutch: Wetenschappelijk Instituut voor het CDA).[105]
Christian Democratic Youth Appeal
The youth wing of the CDA is the Christian Democratic Youth Appeal (CDJA). It was founded as a federation of the youth wings of its predecessors in 1977 and they merged in 1981. The CDJA has a seat in the Association Council of the CDA and is often active with motions and amendments in party conventions.[106]
The CDA is a founding member of the European People's Party (EPP) and its parliamentary group in the European Parliament in 1976. For the establishment, CDA focused on the Christian democratic character it believed the party should have. This was explicit in its programme, but CDA believed it should also be visible in the name and membership of the party. In contrast, the more secular and antisocialist Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU) wanted to include conservative parties, to become the largest group and form a front against socialism. As a compromise, the term "Christian democratic" would be included in the subtitle and non-Christian democratic parties would not be allowed to join.[107]
Kees Van Kerbergen; André Krouwel (2013). "A double-edged sword! The Dutch centre-right and the 'foreigners issue'". In Tim Bale (ed.). Immigration and Integration Policy in Europe: Why Politics – and the Centre-Right – Matter. Routledge. pp. 91–92. ISBN978-1-317-96827-6.
Wijbrandt H. Van Schuur; Gerrit Voerman (2010). "Democracy in Retreat? Decline in political party membership: the case of the Netherlands". In Barbara Wejnert (ed.). Democratic Paths and Trends. Emerald Group Publishing. p. 28. ISBN978-0-85724-091-0.
^Syuzanna Vasilyan (2009). "The integration crisis in the Netherlands: the causes and the new policy measures". In Ditta Dolejšiová; Miguel Angel García López (eds.). European Citizenship in the Process of Construction: Challenges for Citizenship, Citizenship Education and Democratic Practice in Europe. Council of Europe. p. 73. ISBN978-92-871-6478-0.
^Hans Vollaard; Gerrit Voerman; Nelleke van de Walle (2015). "The Netherlands". In Donatella M. Viola (ed.). Routledge Handbook of European Elections. Routledge. p. 171. ISBN978-1-317-50363-7.
^van Kerbergen, Kees; Krouwel, André (2013). "A double-edged sword! The Dutch centre-right and the 'foreigners issue'". In Bale, Tim (ed.). Immigration and Integration Policy in Europe: Why Politics – and the Centre-Right – Matter. Routledge. pp. 91–92. ISBN978-1-317-96827-6.
^Woldring, Henk (2012). "History and Basic Ideas of the Christian Democratic Party in the Netherlands". In Jedan, Cristoph (ed.). Constellations of Value. European Perspectives on the Intersection of Religion, Politics and Society. Lit Verlag. ISBN978-3-643-90083-8.
Gradus, Raymond; Harinck, George; Hoentjen, Karin; Van Kessel, Alexander; ten Napel, Hans-Martien (2012). Canon of Dutch Christian Democracy. DeltaHage.
يفتقر محتوى هذه المقالة إلى الاستشهاد بمصادر. فضلاً، ساهم في تطوير هذه المقالة من خلال إضافة مصادر موثوق بها. أي معلومات غير موثقة يمكن التشكيك بها وإزالتها. (ديسمبر 2018) 40° خط طول 40 غرب خريطة لجميع الإحداثيات من جوجل خريطة لجميع الإحداثيات من بينغ تصدير جميع الإحداثيات من كي...
Species of mammal Not to be confused with the closely related Himalayan serow, sometimes called the thar. This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.Find sources: Tahr – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (October 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Tahr Himalayan tahr Scientific class...
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