Humanitarian aid workers belonging to United Nations agencies, nongovernmental organisations (NGOs), and the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement are among the list of protected persons under international humanitarian law that grant them immunity from attack by belligerent parties. However, deliberate violence is the leading cause of death among aid workers, and attacks have become increasingly more frequent since 1997 when the Aid Worker Security Database (AWSD) began tracking them. The number of aid workers attacked has increased from 260 in 2008 to 595 in 2023. For the first 20 years of the AWSD, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Sudan, Somalia, and Syria were consistently the most dangerous places for aid workers to operate. Between 2013 and 2018, an average of 127 aid workers were killed, 120 injured, and 104 abducted worldwide per year. In November 2024, the UN reported that 281 aid workers had been killed that year, making 2024 the deadliest year on record; 175 of the deaths occurred in Gaza. Additionally the UN stated that 333 aid workers had been killed thus far in the Gaza War, the highest number recorded in a single crisis.
The most common causes of death among aid workers are shootings and air strikes, with road travel being particularly dangerous. A large contributor to violence against aid workers is kidnapping, though most end in release after negotiations. Motives for attacks on aid workers are often unknown, but of those that are known the cause is often political. Aid workers may be targeted for delivering aid to a population whom others do not wish aid to reach or for being seen as collaborating with an enemy group. During the War in Afghanistan, for example, there was an increase in politically motivated attacks, potentially because local residents stopped distinguishing between organisations who worked directly with the US military and those who did not.
The legal basis for the protection of humanitarian workers in armed conflicts is contained in the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the related Protocols I and II of 1977. These treaties outline the rights and obligations of non-combatants who fulfill the criteria of protected persons during armed conflicts. These rights include the right to be treated humanely; to have access to food, water, shelter, medical treatment, and communications; to be free from violence to life and person, hostage taking, and humiliating or degrading treatment; and the prohibition against collective punishment or imprisonment. Protected persons include citizens and nationals of countries that are not a party to the conflict, except if such persons happen to be in the territory of a belligerent power, which maintains diplomatic relations with their home states.
While the Geneva Conventions guarantee protection for humanitarian workers, they do not guarantee access of humanitarian workers to affected areas: governments or occupying forces may, if they wish, ban a relief agency from working in their area. Médecins Sans Frontières was created in 1971 with the express purpose of ignoring this restriction, by providing assistance to populations affected by the Biafran civil war despite the prohibitions of the government of Nigeria.
In addition, the Geneva Conventions do not require that parties to the conflict guarantee the safety of humanitarian workers. The Conventions prohibit combatants from attacking protected persons, and they require occupying forces to maintain general order. However, the Conventions do not require that combating parties provide security escorts, for example, when other factions threaten the safety of protected persons operating in their area.
In 2003, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1502 giving greater protection to humanitarian workers and treating attacks on them as a war crime. ICRC promotes a framework for Neutral Independent Humanitarian Action (NIHA) to enable differentiated role understanding.[1]
According to The New York Times, the Aid Worker Security Database is "widely regarded as an authoritative reference for aid organisations and governments in assessing trends in security threats."[2] A project of Humanitarian Outcomes, it receives funding from USAID. Since 1997, it has tracked incidents of violence such as abduction, killing, serious injury, and sexual assault but not safety incidents like vehicle crashes or accidental detonations during mine clearing projects. Aid workers are defined as employees and other staff of non-profit aid organizations providing humanitarian relief, such as the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, non-governmental organizations, UNDP, UNRWA, WHO, UNICEF, and other UN agencies. The database does not track attacks on UN peacekeepers, election monitors, or employees of advocacy organizations.[3]
Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) is another database that includes attacks on humanitarian workers in addition to other conflict-related incidents.[4] Insecurity Insight produces monthly Aid in Danger reports that highlight attacks during the month from news media, the AWSD and ACLED.[5]
Major incidents recorded by the Aid Worker Security Database include killings, kidnappings, and attacks resulting in serious injury. The data is verified through December 31, 2023.[6][7] A full list of major incidents from 1997 to the present, can be found on the organization's website.
Accidents and illnesses contribute only a minority of reported aid worker deaths; the majority are caused by deliberate violence, most commonly
shootings and air strikes.[10][11] Road travel is by far the most dangerous context for aid workers, who can be attacked via ambushes, IEDs, or fake checkpoints. Others include raids and individual attacks.[11][12]
A large contributor to violence against aid workers is abduction, though most are not fatal. On average, foreign aid workers are abducted for a longer period than local staff due to higher ransom demands from kidnappers.[11] Previously, abduction was the highest cause of violence, after the number of kidnappings quadrupled between 2002 and 2012.[12]
In 2008, 260 aid workers were attacked, the highest since the AWSD began in 1997.[13] The record increased in 2011 when 308 aid workers were attacked.[12] Between 2013 and 2018, an average of 127 aid workers were killed, 120 injured, and 104 abducted per year.[11] Between 1997 and 2018, the countries with the greatest total number of attacks on aid workers were Afghanistan, South Sudan, Sudan, Somalia, and Syria.[11] During the Global War on Terror, including the Iraq War and War in Afghanistan, the number of attacks in the Middle East and Central Africa grew.[11] After the CIA used a sham polio vaccination program to locate and kill Osama bin Laden, violence against vaccination aid workers increased.[11]
In 2019, the record for aid workers who were attacked increased again to 483.[14] In 2023, 595 aid workers were attacked. 280 aid workers were killed in 33 countries,163 of which died in Gaza during the first three months of the Gaza War. The countries with the next highest number of deaths were South Sudan with 34 deaths and Sudan with 25.[15] By November 2024, 281 aid workers had been killed, making 2024 the deadliest year for aid workers on record. 175 of the deaths occurred in Gaza. Additionally the UN stated that 333 aid workers had been killed thus far in the Gaza War, the highest number recorded in a single crisis.[16][17][18][19]
It is often hard to ascertain a motive for attacks on aid workers; for instance, in 55% of the incidents recorded by the AWSD in 2008, the motive was described as "undetermined".[13] However, of those that were determined, political motivations have increased (29% of the determined total in 2003 to 49% in 2008) relative to economic motivations, or when the victim's status as an aid worker was only incidental.[13] Aid workers can be targeted for political reasons both directly and by association.[13] Sometimes the humanitarian organisation may be targeted for something that it has done or a statement it has made, or simply for the delivery of aid to a population, to whom others do not wish aid to reach.[13] It can also be targeted as a result of being associated as an entity collaborating with a group or government seen as an enemy, leading humanitarian organizations to strive be seen as politically independent and neutral.[13] However, evidence shows that this has little impact and instead that western aid agencies are perceived as an intrinsic part of western governments' agendas and not merely associated with it.[13]
Afghanistan reflected this dynamic during the War on Terror when it was one of the most dangerous countries for humanitarian workers to operate. In 2007, 61% of incidents there were carried out by criminals and 39% by political opposition groups, but in 2008, 65% of incidents were the work of armed opposition groups.[13] According to a 2009 report by Humanitarian Outcomes, this increase in politically motivated attacks may have occurred because Afghan locals stopped distinguishing between organisations who worked with the US military and those who did not, with the notable exception of the ICRC. In remote areas, humanitarian workers sometimes represented the only accessible western target.[13] However, at least two studies did not find evidence indicating heightened aid worker insecurity in provinces where the US military was present.[20][21]
A full downloadable list of major incidents, from 1997–present, of violence against aid workers, can be found at the Aid Worker Security Database.[22]
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Prime Minister of the Federal Government of Somalia, Hamza Abdi Barre on Saturday expressed sorrow over the death of Turkish Aid Worker, Abdurrahim Yoruk who was killed in a terrorist attack in Mogadishu's Garasbaley district a day ago.