While Proto-Sino-Tibetan is commonly considered to have two direct descendants, Proto-Sinitic and Proto-Tibeto-Burman,[2] in recent years several scholars have argued that this was not well-substantiated,[3] and have taken to calling the group "Trans-Himalayan".[4] In this case, Proto-Tibeto-Burman may be considered as equivalent to Proto-Sino-Tibetan if Sinitic is indeed not the first branch to split from Proto-Sino-Tibetan.[5]
Features
Reconstructed features include prefixes such as the causative s-, the intransitive m-, the miscellaneous b-, d-, g-, and r-, suffixes -s, -t, and -n, and a set of conditioning factors that resulted in the development of tone in most languages of the family.[6] The existence of such elaborate system of inflectional changes in Proto-Sino-Tibetan makes the language distinctive from some of its modern descendants, such as the Sinitic languages, which have mostly or completely become analytic.
Proto-Sino-Tibetan, like Old Chinese, also included numerous consonant clusters, and was not a tonal language.
Phonology
Benedict (1972)
The table below shows consonant phonemes reconstructed by Benedict.[1][page needed]
Plosive
Fricative
Sonorant
Voiceless
Voiced
Voiceless
Voiced
Nasal
Other
Labial
p
b
m
w
Dental
t
d
s
z
n
r
Palatal
c
ʒ
y
Lateral
l
Velar
k
g
h
ŋ
Peiros & Starostin (1996)
The reconstruction by Peiros & Starostin suggests a much more complex consonant inventory.[7] The phonemes in brackets are reconstructions that are considered dubious.
Plosive/Affricate
Fricative
Sonorant
Unaspirated
Aspirated
Voiceless
Voiced
Voiceless
Voiced
Voiceless
Voiced
Oral
Nasal
Labial
p
b
m
pʰ
(bʰ)
w
Dental
t
d
n
tʰ
(dʰ)
r
Alveolar
c
ʒ
cʰ
(ʒʰ)
s
Palatal
ć
ʒ́
ń
ćʰ
ʒ́ʰ
ś
y
Lateral
(ƛ)
l
Velar
k
g
ŋ
kʰ
(gʰ)
x
ɣ
Uvular
(q)
(ɢ)
(qʰ)
(ɢʰ)
(χ)
Laryngeal
ʔ
Hill (2019)
The following tables show the reconstruction of Proto-Sino-Tibetan phonemes by Nathan Hill (2019).[8]
The consonants /ptkqʔmnŋlrj/ can take coda position, as well as the cluster /rl/. While Hill does not reconstruct /j/ as an initial consonant due to Baxter and Sagart's Old Chinese reconstruction lacking such a phoneme, he mentions that Jacques and Schuessler suggest a /j/ initial for some Old Chinese words due to potential Tibetan or Rgyalrongic cognates.[10]
Hill also claims that his reconstruction is incomplete, as it does not account for Tibetic palatalization, proto-Burmish preglottalization, Sinitic aspirates, and the Sinitic type A and B distinction of syllables.
Sound changes
Final consonant changes
In Gong Huangcheng's reconstruction of the Proto-Sino-Tibetan language, the finals *-p, *-t, *-k, *-m, *-n, and *-ŋ in Proto-Sino-Tibetan remained in Proto-Sinitic and Proto-Tibeto-Burman. However, in Old Chinese, the finals *-k and *-ŋ that came after the close vowel *-i- underwent an irregular change of *-k>*-t and *-ŋ >*-n. In Proto-Tibeto-Burman, *-kw and *-ŋw underwent a sound change to become *-k and *-ŋ respectively, while in Old Chinese those finals remained until Middle Chinese, where the finals underwent the same sound change.[11]
Furthermore, in Proto-Tibeto-Burman, the finals *-g, *-gw, and *-d underwent the following changes:
*-d>*-y
*-gw>*-w
*-g>*-w when it follows the vowel *-u-
*-g>*-∅ when it follows the vowel *a and *-a-.
Example of sound changes
Voiceless plosive finals
Proto-Sino-Tibetan
Old Chinese (Li Fang-Kuei)
Proto-Tibeto-Burman
*-p
*-jəp
汲 *kjəp
*ka·p
泣 *khrjəp
*krap
立 *(g-)rjəp
*g-ryap
*-jap
接 *tsjap
*tsyap
*-jup
入 *njəp
*nup~ *nip
*-t
*-iat
八 *priat
*b-r-gyat
殺 *r-siat
*g-sat
*-uat
脫 *hluat
*g-lwat
*-jit
一 *·jit
*it
*-k
*-ək
翼 *lək
*lak
*-jək
織 *tjək
*tak
息 *sjək
*sak
食 *N-ljək
*(m-)lyak
飼 *s-ljəks
*(s-)lyak
*-ik
節 *tsik>*tsit
*tsik
縊 *·iks, *·jiks
*ik
*-jik
蝨 *srjik>*srjit
*s-rik
*-juk
曲 *khjuk
*guk~kuk
*-kw
*-əkw
毒 *dəkw
*duk~*tuk
*-jəkw
腹 *phjəkw, *bjəkw
*pu·k~*buk
六 *drjəkw
*d-ruk
Nasal finals
Proto-Sino-Tibetan
Old Chinese (Li Fang-Kuei)
Proto-Tibeto-Burman
*-m
*-əm
含 *gəm
*gam
頷 *gəm
*gam
*-jəm
飲 *·jəmx
*am
尋 *ljəm
*la[·]m
*-jim
坅 *khjamx “pit”
*kim
*-um
三 *səm
*g-sum
*-jum
尋 *ljəm
*lum
*-n
*-an
乾 *kan
*kan
*-jin
辛 *sjin
*m-sin
*-ng
*-jəng
夢 *mjəngs
*mang
蒸 *tjəng
*tang
*-jang
紡 *phjangx
*pang
涼 *grjang
*grang
迎 *ngrjang
*ngang
*-ing
盈 *bling
*bling~pling
*-jing
年 *ning>*nin
*ning
名 *mjing
*r-ming
甥 *srjing
*sring
薪 *sjing>*sjin
*sing
仁 *njing>*njin
*s-ning
*-ngw
*-jəngw
躬 *kjəngw
*gung
Voiced plosive finals
Proto-Sino-Tibetan
Old Chinese (Li Fang-Kuei)
Proto-Tibeto-Burman
*-b
*-əb
柔 *njəb>*njəgw
*nəw
*-d
*-əd
𤈦 *smjədx
*məy
*-ad
簸 *padx/s
*pwa·y
太 *tads
*tay
蜾 *kwadx
*kwa·y
我 *ngadx
*ngay
移 *lad
*lay
*-id
四 *sjids
*b-liy
*-jid
妣 *pjidx
*piy
畀 *sbjids
*biy
几 *krjidx
*kriy
屎 *skhljidx
*kliy
死 *sjidx
*siy
*-g
*-əg
母 *məgx
*ma
*-jəg
負 *bjəgx
*ba, *bak
子 *tsjəgx
*tsa
慈 *dzjəg
*m-dza
孳 *dzjəgs
*za
耳 *njəgx
*r-na~*g-na
牛 *ngwjəg
*ngwa
*-ag
補 *pagx
*pa
苦 *khagx
*ka
吾 *ngag
*nga
五 *ngagx
*l-nga~*b-nga
狐 *gwag
*gwa
*-jag
斧 *pjagx
*r-pwa
夫 *pjag
*(p)wa
父 *bjagx
*pa
無 *mjag
*ma
魚 *ngjag
*ngya
咀 *dzjag
*dza
汝 *njagx
*na
*-ug
口 *khugx
*kuw
寇 *khugs
*r-kuw
*-jug
霧 *m(r)jugs
*(r-)muw
軀 *khjug
*(s-)kuw
乳 *njugx
*nuw
*-gw
*-əgw
寶 *pəgwx
*puw
抱 *bəgwx
*buw
*-jəgw
鳩 *kjəgw
*kuw
九 *kjəgwx
*d-kuw
舅 *gjəgwx
*kuw
*-agw
豪 *gagw
*m/s-gaw
號 *gagws
*gaw
熬 *ngagw
*r-ngaw
臊 *sagw
*sa·w
*-jagw
飄/漂 *phjagw
*pyaw
Liquid finals
Proto-Sino-Tibetan
Old Chinese (Li Fang-Kuei)
Proto-Tibeto-Burman
*-l
*-al
肝 *kan
*m-kal
*-ul
本 *pən
*bul~*pul
*-jul
銀 *ngjən
*(d)-ngul
閩 *mjən
*s-brul
*-jal
疲 *brjal
*bal
*-il
洒 *silx
*(m-)s(y)il
*-r
*-ar
播 *s-bars
*bwar
皤 *bar, *par
*pwa:r
*-jar
販 *pjans
*par
鮮 *sjan
*sar
*-uar
酸 *suan
*swa·r
*-jur
飛 *pjər
*pur~*pir
Vocabulary
Words which do not have reliable Sinitic parallels are accompanied by a (TB).
^Orlandi, Georg (2021). "Once again on the history and validity of the Sino-Tibetan bifurcate model". Journal of Language Relationship. 19 (4): 263–292.
^van Driem, George (2007). "The diversity of the Tibeto-Burman language family and the linguistic ancestry of Chinese". Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics. 1 (2): 211–270. doi:10.1163/2405478X-90000023.
^Peiros, Ilia; Starostin, S.A. (1996). A comparative vocabulary of five Sino-Tibetan languages. Parkville, VIC: Univ. of Melbourne, Dept. of Linguistics and Applied Linguistics. ISBN9780732513504.
^Gong Huangcheng (龔煌城) (2003). 從原始漢藏語到上古漢語以及原始藏緬語的韻母演變 [Final changes from Proto-Sino-Tibetan to Old Chinese and Proto-Tibeto-Burman] (PDF). 古今通塞:漢語的歷史與發展. 第㆔屆國際漢學會議論文集語言組 (in Chinese). pp. 187–223. Archived from the original(PDF) on 2020-11-03. Retrieved 22 October 2023.