The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF; Arabic: الجبهة الوطنية لتحرير مورو) is a political organization in the Philippines that was founded in 1972.[1][13] It started as a splinter group of the Muslim Independence Movement.[1] The MNLF was the organization most active in the Moro conflict for about two decades beginning from the 1970s.[1]
In 1996, the MNLF signed a landmark peace agreement with the Philippine government under the administration of President Fidel Ramos that saw the creation of Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), an area composed of two mainland provinces and three island provinces in which the predominantly Muslim population enjoys a degree of self-rule.[14]Nur Misuari was installed as the region's governor but his rule ended in violence when he led a failed rebellion against the Philippine government in November 2001,[14] and fled to Sabah before being deported back to the Philippines by the Malaysian authorities.[1][15][16]
The MNLF is internationally recognized by the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and its Parliamentary Union of OIC Member States (PUIC).[17] Since 1977, the MNLF has been an observer member of the OIC.[18] On January 30, 2012, MNLF became an observer member of the Parliamentary Union of Islamic Cooperation (PUIC), as approved during the 7th PUIC global session held in Palembang, Indonesia.[19]
The Philippine government wanted to encourage migration of landless Christians from other parts of the country in a so-called Homestead Program (1903–1973). There was no land titling system by the natives of Mindanao at that time, and the Christian settlers exploited the situation. Lanao and Cotabato received an influx of migrants from Luzon and Visayas. Tensions between Moros and Christians were caused by disputes about land ownership and disenfranchisement of Muslims. The Homestead Program is one of the root-causes of the Moro conflict.[20][21]
On March 18, 1968, there was an alleged massacre of Moro soldiers in Corregidor Island.[23][24] This eventually led to the establishment of the Bangsamoro Liberation Organization (BMLO).[25] Bangsamoro Liberation Organization (BMLO) and Ansarul Islam founders were Domocao Alonto, Sayyid Sharif Capt. Kalingalan Caluang, Rashid Lucman, Salipada Pendatun, Hamid Kamlian, Udtog Matalam, and Atty. Macapantun Abbas Jr. Accordingly, "it is a mass movement for the preservation and development of Islam in the Philippines".[26] The advocacy of Ansar El Islam would, later on, inspire the creation of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the MILF.[27][28] There has been a long-standing allegation that Malaysia provided the initial training and arming of the first batch of MNLF cadres known as "Top 90" in 1969.[29] It has been alleged that Malaysia was either ignorant or tolerated the illicit arms shipments, mainly from the Middle East, flowing into Mindanao that fueled the insurgency.[30]
The MNLF was the leading organization among Moro separatists for about two decades beginning from the 1970s. However, discontent on Nur Misuari's leadership caused the group to unravel especially after the 1996 peace agreement. Integration of former rebels in the society was also a factor in the weakening. At the present there are multiple competing factions. For instance, Hadja Bainon Karon's faction supported peace deal in 2012, after Nur Misuari had criticized it.[1][32][33][34] There was also a case of defections of Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) fighters to MNLF.[35] As of 14 August 2015[update], the current chairman of the group is uncertain and the sources, including Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and Philippine Government, disagree. Nur Misuari still has support among some of the factions.[1]
Libyan and Muammar Gaddafi's mediation resulted in the signing of the Tripoli Agreement on December 23, 1976. The agreement aimed to establish an autonomous region for Ethnic-Muslim Filipinos. The agreement failed shortly after signing due to President Ferdinand Marcos' duplicitous decision to create two autonomous regions instead of only one, which consisted of only 10 of the 13 provinces agreed upon in the Tripoli Agreement. A referendum was held on each province to be included in the autonomous region. Decades after the government's resettlement of un-landed settlers in Moro Ancestral Lands in Mindanao, the Moros became the minority in their own homeland. The referendums however did influence Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao by creating its predecessors. MNLF decided to continue armed struggle.[1]
The MNLF shifted from demands of full independence to autonomy in the 1980s. In 1986 a ceasefire and attempts to have a peace agreement were made, but they failed.[1]
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao was established in 1989, despite opposition from the MNLF.[1]
OIC, Libya and Indonesia mediated peace talks which were restarted in 1992. Statements of Understanding and Interim Agreements were made between 1992 and 1996. Jakarta Peace Agreement was signed in 1996.[1]
Tensions between the Philippine Government and the MNLF have been fueled by mineral wealth sharing, problems of implementing the peace agreement and the Nur Misuari faction's ongoing opposition of the peace agreement.[1][37]
In 2015 Nur Misuari rejected reports on the MNLF involvement in the North Borneo dispute and said only the Sultanate of Sulu can pursue the negotiations for the Sabah claim with the Malaysian sides. The MNLF has asserted that their group are not involved in any part of the North Borneo dispute and stressing it is a non-issue as Sabah has become the "home-base for different tribal groupings of Muslims from different regions of Southeast Asia that have enjoyed peaceful and harmonious co-existence with the Chinese and Christian populace in the area."[38]
European Union and the United States do not use the classification of "terrorist" for the MNLF.[39]
In 2013, the Nur Misuari faction of the MNLF declared independence for the Bangsamoro Republik and attacked Zamboanga City. During the MNLF standoff with the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the group was accused by the Philippines of using civilians as human shields, thus leading the Philippine government to label them terrorists.[40][41][42][43] The State Department of the United States included a mention of the siege in its report on "East Asia and Pacific Overview".[44]
The Moro National Liberation Front under Nur Misuari had talks with President Rodrigo Duterte. Misuari has been meeting with Duterte ever since the signing of the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) in Davao City. Duterte is also considering autonomy to be given to Misuari.[45] Misuari also talked with Duterte about Federalism[46] according to Presidential Spokesperson Harry Roque.[47]
The OPAPP under the orders of President Duterte formed the GPH-MNLF Peace Coordinating Committee[48][49] in order to fulfill the remaining parts of the 1996 Final Peace Agreement. It also tackles the security and socio-economic problems within Sulu. It also aims to resolve conflicts within Mindanao with the help of MNLF. It also serves as the coordinating committee with the Philippine Government.[50]
On August 12, 2022, Abdulkarim Misuari, Nurrheda Misuari[51] along with 4 others have been appointed as Members of Parliament for the Bangsamoro Transition Authority under President Bongbong Marcos.[52] The appointment lasts until the regular elections for the Bangsamoro Parliament will be held in 2025.
Under the Executive Council of 15, they were part of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Yusop Jikiri and Muslimin Sema along with her wife, former Congresswoman Bai Sandra Sema supports the Bangsamoro Organic Law.[53][54] After the enactment of the Bangsamoro Organic Law, members of the EC-15 got appointed into the Bangsamoro Transition Authority by President Duterte.[55]
Flag
Flag of the MNLF without inscriptions.
The Moro National Liberation Front makes use of a flag consist of a golden yellow star and crescent and a kris on a red field. The star represents Truthfulness, Fairness, Equality and Tolerance while the crescent moon symbolizes wisdom. The kris symbolizes strength. The red field represents the Bangsamoro activism, decisiveness, persistence, frugality, and sacrifices in pushing forward the revolutionary struggle for survival, self-determination, and success. The flag design is secular despite having a star and crescent, a symbol often associated with Islam. The flag has not been standardized and many variation exists regarding the scaling of elements in the flag. A variant, with a shahadah on the star and crescent exists. The flag was also used for the Bangsamoro Republik, a widely unrecognized state declared by the group.[56][unreliable source?]
^Alonto, Rowena (2009). 13 Stories of Islamic Leadership vol 1 (PDF). Asian Institute of Management – Team Energy Center for Bridging Societal Divides. p. 26.
^Karlos Manlupig (May 17, 2015). "MNLF denies talks with Malaysia over Sabah". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Archived from the original on May 17, 2015. Retrieved May 18, 2015. Misuari, who is hiding after the hostilities in Zamboanga in 2013, maintains his position that only the Sultanate of Sulu can pursue the negotiations for the Sabah claim. Respecting the fervent wish of the late Sultan Muhammad Jamalul Kiram III to let alone the Islamic Sultanate of Sulu and North Borneo (SSNB) to negotiate peacefully with the Muslim leaders of Malaysia to settle the controversial issue in order not to repeat the March 2013 Lahad Datu, Sabah incident, Chairman Misuari has dismissed the media reports as unfounded and without any ounce of truth involving the MNLF in any level talks. The MNLF, however, asserted that the Sabah case is a non-issue because it is the "home-base for different tribal groupings of Muslims from different regions of Southeast Asia that have enjoyed peaceful and harmonious co-existence with the Chinese and Christian populace in the area.
^Titus Calauor; Benjie Vergara; Al Jacinto (September 11, 2013). "Human shields beg for help". Agence France Presse. The Manila Times. Archived from the original on October 25, 2015. Retrieved September 12, 2013.
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