At the conclusion of World War II the Allied nations began the process of disarmament of Axis controlled regions. Japan occupied Korea at this time and had been in control since 1910. In 1945, the decision was made to have American Marines forces oversee Japanese surrender and disarmament south of the 38th parallel and the Soviet Union would facilitate the change of power to the north.[2] At the time there was no political motivation and seemed to be a logical and convenient plan of action. The original agreement and intent was to create a unified and independent Korea out of the post Japanese occupation era.[2] Instead each side of the 38th parallel established its own government under the influence of the occupational country; the United States in South Korea and the Soviet Union in North Korea. Both new Korean governments discredited the other and claimed to be the only legitimate political system. Tensions between the North and South escalated and each side began to petition foreign powers for resources and support. South Korea wanted weapons and supplies from President Truman and the United States government while North Korea sought help from Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union.[2] The United States was still war weary from the disruptive World War II campaign and refused South Korea's request for weapons and troops.[2] North Korea convinced the Soviet Union to supply them with the weapons and support they requested. This decision coincided with the United States withdrawing the last remaining combat troops from South Korea.[2] North Korea saw its opportunity and attacked South Korean forces at the 38th parallel on June 25, 1950 and thus initiating the Korean War.[2]
Initial response
Following North Korea's invasion of South Korea, the United Nations convened to formulate a response, demanding North Korea's immediate withdrawal. United States Army General Douglas MacArthur was appointed supreme commander of U.N. forces. To halt the rapid progress of North Korean forces into the south Task Force Smith was deployed to the Korean front from Japan.[2] Task Force Smith consisted of U.S. Army officers and regiments of the Army's 24th Infantry Division that were stationed in Japan as occupational forces. The 24th were under trained, poorly supplied, and outnumbered. The 24th offered very little resistance against the North Korean advance.[2] American and South Korean troops were pushed south and in late July 1950 Task Force Smith was overrun in the city of Taejon. Troops from the Army's 25th Infantry Division were deployed to Taejon to establish a new line and pullout the decimated 24th I.D.[2] This addition of combat troops did not stop the North Korean advance and both American and South Korean troops were pushed further south.[2]
The first battle the Americans entered in the Korean War was the Battle of Osan, where about four hundred U.S. soldiers landed in Busan airport on the first of July, 1950. The American troops were sent off to Daejon the next morning where Major General John H. Church the head of U.S. field headquarters was confident in the US troop's strengths to push back the North Koreans.
On July 5, the troops were finally put to the test when North Korean tanks crept towards Osan. The four hundred infantryman of the U.S. also called Task Force Smith opened fire on the North Koreans at 8:16 am. Only four of the North Korean tanks were destroyed and twenty-nine kept moving forward breaking the US line. At the end of the battle only two more North Korean Tanks and two regiments of North Korean infantry were destroyed. The US had lost the battle, revealing that the mere sight of US troops would not reverse the military balance in Korea. By early August, the North Korean troops had pushed back the US and South Korean troops all the way to Naktong River, which is located about thirty miles from Busan. The two weeks of fighting following this resulted in the most casualties of US troops than any other equivalent period of this war. However, during this time the US pushed supplies and personnel to Korea and by the end of July, South Koreans and US troops outnumbered the North Koreans, although the North had pushed back the US and South significantly the North had suffered over fifty thousand casualties. Also, because North Korea's supply lines were so lengthy and with the US in control of the water and air replenishing their losses were slow.[3]
Battle of the Kum River and Battle of Taejon (13–20 July 1950)
Although MacArthur clearly stated that the Battle of Incheon was a 5000 to 1 gamble, it was an important military move to make. Incheon is 25 miles from Seoul on the coast and only once during September is the water even deep enough to allow the 29 foot draft of American LSTs. It was a defenders' best place to allow troops into Korea, and to push the invaders back. On September 15 the 1st Marine Division landed at the port city, taking the defending North Koreans completely by surprise, and by the end of the night over a third of Incheon was taken back.[4]
Battle of Chosin Reservoir (27 November–13 December 1950)
During the Korean War, news was reported on though it was subjected to a degree of censorship but not controlled by the military similar to the Vietnam War. The press had a more sour relationship with the military compared to the relationship it had during World War II where they obliged with the requests of the military.[5]
As of 2014, The total number of POWs and MIAs is 8,176: Total captured: 7,245 (killed in POW Camps: 2,806, returned: 4,418, defectors: 21), unaccounted: 931.[15][16][17][18]
During the mid-1940s, Germany and Japan were both at a desperate state caused by World War II. Germany received a sort of benefit from the U.S. as a compensation of war and reconstruction. The Japanese on the other end were devastated by the aftermath. People were suffering, eating out of garbage, and many people starved. Meanwhile, the U.S. troops in the Korean War were in great demand of uniforms and other equipment. The American government turned to Japan for the favor, which eventually stimulated the manufacturing factories that were in jeopardy due to damage caused by World War II. Japan accepted the offer and mainly supplied U.S. troops in Korea with uniforms and other sorts of clothing. Bases were also erected in Japan for U.S. Air Force planes, such as B-29 Superfortress bombers.
In addition to these controversial events, the topic of nuclear weapons caused widespread debate among world leaders. Internally, the United States had to consider various perspectives when making this decision. General Douglas MacArthur was a large proponent for the use of atomic weapons as he pushed for all-out war in Korea.[20] However, he gave little thought to the social and political implications of this decision. The Joint Chiefs of Staff were President Truman’s top military officials who offered a different perspective, thus they were very against the use of atomic weapons to end the conflict.[21] These advisors aimed to end the war in a way that would not cause further conflicts for the United States, so they had to approach the situation with caution. At the time of the Korean War, nuclear weapons programs were still in development and the United States did not have the supply of weapons that we would later see by the end of the Cold War. This small stockpile of weapons forced military officials to prioritize their security interests and determine the places where atomic weapons would be most useful.[22] The United States’ primary allies were in Europe, so the Joint Chiefs of Staff felt it was more important to save the supply of weapons to aid European allies as opposed to those in Asia. [23] America’s NATO allies, specifically Great Britain, were very opposed to the use of nuclear weapons in the conflict in Korea.[24] These relationships had a heavy influence on U.S. decision-making, thus playing a large role in the decision to not use nuclear weapons in order to avoid further controversy.[25] The United States needed to maintain positive relationships with her European allies as there was the looming threat of a future war with the Soviet Union which would have required an immense amount of support.[26]
^Herbert H. Hyman, and Paul B. Sheatsley, "The political appeal of President Eisenhower." Public Opinion Quarterly 17.4 (1953): 443–460. JSTOR2746036.
^ abcdefghij"Korea: The Forgotten War 1950–1953". Timeless Media Group, 2010. DVD.
^Stueck, W. W. (2002). Rethinking the Korean war: A new diplomatic and strategic history. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. [ISBN missing][page needed]
^Stueck, W. W. (1995). The Korean War: An international history. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. [ISBN missing][page needed]
Acheson, Dean. Present at the creation: My years in the State Department (WW Norton & Company, 1987); a primary source online
Bernstein, Barton J. "Syngman Rhee: The pawn as rook the struggle to end the Korean war." Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 10.1 (1978): 38–48. online
Bernstein, Barton J. "The policy of risk: crossing the 38th parallel and marching to the Yalu." Foreign Service Journal 54.1 (1977): 16–22.
Bernstein, Barton J. “The Truman Administration and the Korean War,” in M.J. Lacy (ed.), The Truman Presidency, (1989) pp. 410–444. online
Caridi, Ronald J. The Korean War and American Politics: The Republican Party as a Case Study (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016). [ISBN missing]
Chen, Jian. China's road to the Korean War: The making of the Sino-American confrontation (Columbia University Press, 1994). [ISBN missing]
Crane, Conrad C. "To avert impending disaster: American military plans to use atomic weapons during the Korean War." Journal of Strategic Studies 23.2 (2000): 72–88.
Dingman, Roger. "Atomic diplomacy during the Korean War." International Security 13.3 (1988): 50–91. online
Foot, Rosemary. The Wrong War: American Policy and the Dimensions of the Korean Conflict, 1950–1953 (Cornell University Press, 2019).
Foot, Rosemary J. "Nuclear coercion and the ending of the Korean conflict." International Security 13.3 (1988): 92–112. excerpt
Fordham, Benjamin. Building the cold war consensus: The political economy of US national security policy, 1949–51 (University of Michigan Press, 1998).
Gaddis, John L. "Korea in American Politics, Strategy, and Diplomacy, 1945–1950," in Y. Nagai and A. Iriye (eds), The Origins of the Cold War in Asia (1977) pp. 277–289.
Halberstam, David. The coldest winter: America and the Korean War (Pan Macmillan, 2009).
Hess, Gary R. Presidential Decisions for War: Korea, Vietnam, the Persian Gulf, and Iraq (JHU Press, 2009) online.
Jackson, Michael Gordon. "Beyond Brinkmanship: Eisenhower, Nuclear War Fighting, and Korea, 1953–1968." Presidential Studies Quarterly 35.1 (2005): 52–75.
Keefer, Edward C. "President Dwight D. Eisenhower and the End of the Korean War." Diplomatic History 10.3 (1986): 267–289.
LaFeber, Walter. “Crossing the 38th: The Cold War in Microcosm,” in L.H. Miller and R. W. Pruessen (eds), Cold War: A Quarter Century of American Foreign Policy (1974) pp. 71–90.
Lichterman, Martin. “To the Yalu and Back,” in H. Stein (ed.), American Civil-Military Decisions: A Book of Case Studies, (1963) pp. 569–642. online
Mantelll, Matthew Edwin, "Opposition to the Korean War: A Study in American Dissent" (PhD dissertation), New York University ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 1973. 7319947.
Medhurst, Martin J. "Text and Context in the 1952 Presidential Campaign: Eisenhower's 'I Shall Go to Korea' Speech." Presidential Studies Quarterly 30.3 (2000): 464–484.
Millett, Allan R. "Dwight D. Eisenhower and the Korean War: Cautionary Tale and Hopeful Precedent." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 10.3–4 (2001): 155–174.
Ohanian, Lee E. "The macroeconomic effects of war finance in the United States: World War II and the Korean War." American Economic Review (1997): 23-40. online
Park, Hong-Kyu. "American involvement in the Korean war." History Teacher 16.2 (1983): 249–263. JSTOR493313
Parmar, Inderjeet. "Racial and imperial thinking in international theory and politics: Truman, Attlee and the Korean War." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 18.2 (2016): 351–369. online
Stanley, Elizabeth A. Paths to peace: Domestic coalition shifts, war termination and the Korean War (Stanford University Press, 2009). [ISBN missing]
Stueck Jr, William W. The Road to Confrontation: American Policy toward China and Korea (UNC Press Books, 2017).
Suchman, Edward A., Rose K. Goldsen, and Robin M. Williams Jr. "Attitudes toward the Korean war." Public Opinion Quarterly 17.2 (1953): 171–184. doi:10.1086/266452
Trachtenberg, Marc. "A" Wasting Asset": American Strategy and the Shifting Nuclear Balance, 1949–1954." International Security 13.3 (1988): 5–49. excerpt
Tucker, Spencer C., and Paul G. Pierpaoli Jr, eds. The Encyclopedia of the Korean War: A Political, Social, and Military History (3 vol. ABC-CLIO, 2010). [ISBN missing]
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Amigos For KidsFormation1991FounderJorge A. PlasenciaFounded atMiami, FloridaTypeNon-profitServicesAnti-child abuseKey peopleRosa Maria Plasencia, CEO[1]Websiteamigosforkids.org Amigos Together For Kids (DBA: Amigos For Kids) is a 501(c)(3) non-profit corporation founded in 1991 dedicated to preventing child abuse and neglect by valuing children, strengthening families and educating communities. The group was founded by Jorge A. Plasencia.[2][3] Amigos For Kids has cre...