Gunugu, on the Algerian coast near Gouraya, is significant as a former Roman settlement.[12] Founded by Emperor Augustus, Gunugu was originally known as a small town for veterans.[13] Despite this imperial backing, Gunugu did not experience significant growth under Roman rule. Its proximity to Caesarea, the provincial capital, probably limited its development.
The Roman town was much larger. Outside the ramparts, we still come across cisterns, ashlars and, to the south-east, a few shafts and soft, crude capitals in the decadent Ionic order, which seem to have belonged originally to a Christian church or chapel from around the 5th century: at this time, Gunugu was a bishopric. Quarries were exploited at the end of the promontory that bears the necropolis described later in this text.
Medieval period
Over time, Gunugu underwent changes in government and name,[14] eventually becoming known as Brechk under Muslim rule.[15] However, it remained a focus of regional conflict, as evidenced by its capture by Roger II of Sicily in 1144.[16]
In the late 15th century, Gunugu saw an influx of refugees, mainly Moors fleeing from Andalusia.[17] This demographic change gave a temporary boost to the city's economy and culture. Industries such as textile production flourished, as did agriculture in the surrounding fertile lands.[18] In addition, Gunugu became known for its corsairs who operated along the North African coast. This period of prosperity was short-lived, however, as the city fell to the onslaught of the Knights of St Stephen in 1610, leading to its eventual decline.
Archaeological finds
The remnants of Gunugu's ancient past are scattered across the landscape,[19] bearing witness to its rich history.
Both Roman and Berber influences can be seen among the ruins, with traces of pottery, masonry and infrastructure. The sanctuary of Sidi Brahim, built from ancient materials, is particularly noteworthy, as are the remains of Roman reservoirs and an aqueduct. Despite the city's eventual decline, these archaeological remains offer a glimpse of its former grandeur and cultural heritage.
Necropolises
Gunugu boasts several ancient burial grounds that shed light on the various funerary practices prevalent in the region.[20][21] The necropolises reveal a mixture of Phoenician and indigenous burial customs, with tombs carved into tufa rock. Some tombs have adjacent pits, suggesting communal burial practices. The presence of mixed bone remains indicates a complex interplay of cremation and non-cremation burial rites, reflecting the diverse cultural influences of the city's inhabitants.
Funerary practices
Burial rites at Gunugu encompassed a range of practices reflecting the city's multicultural population. Grave goods were commonly placed alongside the deceased, reflecting the belief in an afterlife and the continuation of material existence after death. Ceramic vessels, both imported from Italy and locally made, were common burial offerings, underlining Gunugu's role as a hub of Mediterranean trade and commerce. The presence of cremation remains alongside traditional burials suggests cultural exchange and adaptation within the city's diverse community.
In most tombs, the remains of the deceased were simply laid on the floor, which had been lined with a bed of sand. In others, one or more benches, flat or hollowed with a more or less deep trough, had been created. The tomb depicted herein features two raised-edged layers, which, instead of taking the form of a basin, are open on the side of the bottom. Quite often, the shaft provides access to a second tomb, from a later period. Sometimes — the most common scenario — it opens opposite the first, while at other times, it is established on one of the long sides of the shaft. Each chamber contains a certain number of deceased individuals: in one of those we excavated, there were at least twenty-three. It is likely that after the burials, the shafts were backfilled with earth and rubble.
Three funeral rites were distinguished: the rarest involved simply laying the deceased on the ground, while another entailed haphazardly gathering bones, either on the floor, benches, troughs, or in clay vessels. Sometimes, a broken amphora served as a container. It was observed that these mixed human remains likely underwent defleshing before being buried. This suggests that our tombs were not family graves but likely brought together individuals from Gunugu who died around the same time.
Hydraulic works
In the Larhat (formerly Vileborug) region, remnants of an ancient dam, constructed with rubble, lime, and sand, were found near Toued Mellah.[22] This dam supplied water to the city of Gunugu (now Sidi-Brahim) via a canal constructed above the current road, lined with stone masonry and internally asphalted with crushed brick and lime. However, successive ground subsidence and seismic movements have largely destroyed this structure. Near the border between Larhat (formerly Vileborug) and Gouraya, the canal passed through a tunnel under a hill, where it remains relatively well preserved.
On the Harbil wadi, the remains of a small dam were discovered, likely intended to irrigate gardens on the left bank of the wadi. In the Gouraya region, traces of a reservoir basin, possibly used for irrigation, were found between the Messelmoun and Sebt wadis.
In the Menaceur (formerly Marceau) region, irrigation along the banks of the Rouman wadi was facilitated by a 7 to 8-meter-long dam. Ruins of an ancient aqueduct were also observed along the Aïzer wadi, with intact arches at both ends, as well as remnants of canalization along its left bank. Near Menaceur (formerly Marceau), the Zélazel wadi was diverted, and the canal remains visible above the current road. Similarly, the Zaouïa wadi was diverted, with remnants of the canal visible along the route from Zurich to Menaceur (formerly Marceau). These canals converged near the Bocquet farm and continued through the mountains, valleys, and aqueducts to Caesarea, providing water to the city. Additionally, remnants of a dam on the Zaouïa wadi, located 500 to 600 meters downstream from the diversion point, were found, though their significance and purpose remain unclear.
Port
Coastal sites, as seen from Gunugu's perspective, serve as regular "staging posts" every 30 to 40 kilometers eastward.[23] Among them, Gunugu itself, dating back to the 5th century BCE, stands out, reflecting evolving economic ties while political allegiance to Carthage remains uncertain. The ancient city of Gunugu, now Breshk, is mentioned in historical texts with conflicting accounts regarding the presence of a port. While some sources indicate the absence of a formal port, others suggest the existence of a modest harbour or anchorage. Piri Reïs[24] asserts the lack of a port but notes abundant fish in the area, hinting at maritime activity. Additionally, Laurent[25] mentions a small harbour on the northeastern side of the island, suggesting limited maritime infrastructure.
Insights from Gsell and Cat (cited above) reveal remnants of a jetty and stairs near the promontory, supported by field surveys[26] uncovering reservoirs along the cliff walls overlooking the presumed port location, indicating potential water supply infrastructure for maritime activities.
However, challenges such as erosion and landslides obscure historical features, complicating confirmation of a port's presence. Despite this, Gunugu's strategic location along trade routes between Cartennae and Caesarea suggests probable maritime activity.
In conclusion, while evidence hints at maritime infrastructure in Gunugu, including reservoirs and potential remnants of jetties, further archaeological investigations are necessary to determine the port's extent and nature. Understanding Gunugu's maritime heritage is crucial given its historical significance as a trade hub in a strategic location.
Trade and commerce
Gunugu's archaeological record attests to its importance as a vibrant centre of trade and commerce in the ancient Mediterranean world. Imported pottery from Italy, including finely crafted vases and vessels, provides tangible evidence of maritime links and commercial exchange. While Roman-era treaties restricted direct Roman access to African ports, Gunugu probably served as an intermediary hub, receiving goods via Carthaginian merchants. This underlines the city's key role in facilitating trade networks and cultural exchange across the region.
^Pliny. Natural History, Volume II: Books 3–7, translated by H. Rackham. Loeb Classical Library 352 (Cambridge, MA, 1942), corregir Portus Magnus, Mulucha, Quiza Xenitana, Arsennaria (Arzen), Cartenna (Tenez), Gunugu, Caesarea Iol, Tipasa, Icosium, Rusguniae, Rusazus, Saldae, Igilgili and Tucca.
^Gsell, Stéphane. Fouilles de Gouraya:(Sépultures Puniques de la cote Algérienne), exécutées et publiées sous les auspices de l'Association historique pour l'étude de l'Afrique du nord. Vol. 4. E. Leroux, 1903.
^Mercier, Histoire de l'Afrique septentrionale, II, p. 238, 252, 298,305 ; Basset, Journal asiatique, 1884, II, p. 529,530, 531.
^Edrisi, Géographie,traduction Jaubert, I, p. 235.
^De Grammont, Histoire d'Alger sous la domination turque, p. 3.
^Léon l'Africain, Description de l'Afrique, traduction Temporal, I, p. 252. Marmol, L'Afrique, traduction Perrot d'Ablancourt, II, p. 391.
^Cat, Bulletin de correspondance africaine, I, 1882, p. 130-133; Gsell, Monuments antiques de l'Algérie, l, p. 230, 257, 262,279.
^Bulletin de géographie et d'archéologie de la Société d'Oran, 1890,p. 247-256.
^Bulletin archéologique du Comité des travaux scientifiques, 1891, p. XLIII.
^Gsell, S. (1902). Enquête administrative sur les travaux hydrauliques anciens en Algérie (Vol. 7). Imprimerie nationale.
^Lancel, Serge. "Algérie." La civilisation phénicienne et punique. Brill, 1994. 786-795.
^McIntosh, Gregory C. Piri Reis Map of 1513. University of Georgia Press, 2012.
^Laurent, Paul. Les ports maritimes Algériens. No. 57. 8°(210 x 145), 122 p., pl., carte, plan.[DL Impr.]-VIe-VIIIe, 1942.
^Rafik, Khellaf. "Quelques données sur le port antique de Gunugu Some data on the ancient harbor of Gunugu. El-Ryssala des études et recherches en sciences humaines. Vol. 8, Nr. 02 (2023). pp 774-783
