His controversial first mandate, marked by a political crisis and oscillating support from the PNL's leader Ion I. C. Brătianu, played a part in legislating land reform and repressed communist activities, before being brought down by the rally of opposition forces. His second term of 1926–1927 brought a much-debated treaty with Fascist Italy, and fell after Averescu gave clandestine backing to the ousted Prince Carol. Faced with the People Party's decline, Averescu closed deals with various right-wing forces and was instrumental in bringing Carol back to the throne in 1930. Relations between the two soured over the following years, and Averescu clashed with his fellow party member Octavian Goga over the king's attitudes. Shortly before his death, he and Carol reconciled, and Averescu joined the Crown Council.
Seeing action as a cavalry sergeant with the Romanian troops engaged in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, he was decorated on several occasions, but was later moved to reserve (after failing his medical examination due to the effects of frostbite).[2] He was, however, reinstated later in 1878, and subsequently received a military education in Romania, at the military school of Târgoviște (Dealu Monastery), and in Italy, at the Military Academy of Turin.[1][2][3][4] Averescu married an Italian opera singer, Clotilda Caligaris, who had been the prima donna of La Scala.[1][2][3] His future collaborator and rival Constantin Argetoianu stated that Averescu "chose Mrs. Clotilda at random".[3]
Upon his return, Averescu steadily climbed through the ranks. He was head of the Bucharest Military Academy (1894–1895), and, in 1895–1898, Romania's military attaché in the German Empire; a colonel in 1901, he was advanced to the rank of brigadier general and became head of the Tecuci regional Army Command Center in 1906.[1][2]
Before the First World War, he led the troops in crushing the 1907 peasants' revolt — where he engaged in using very harsh means of repression, especially when dealing with soldiers who refused to fight against the rebels — and was subsequently Minister of War in Dimitrie Sturdza's National Liberal Party (PNL) cabinet (1907–1909).[2][4][5] According to the recollections of Eliza Brătianu, a split occurred between him and the PNL after Averescu attempted to advance various political goals — the conflict erupted when he sought support with KingCarol I and then, as the National Liberals deeply resented Romania's alliance with the Central Powers, he approached the Germans for backing.[6]
Subsequently, he was commander of the First Infantry Division (stationed in Turnu Severin) and, later, of the Second Army Corps in Craiova.[2] In 1912, he became a major general, and, in 1911–1913, he was Chief of the General Staff.[1][2] In the latter capacity, Averescu organized the actions of Romanian troops operating south of the Danube in the Second Balkan War (the campaign against Bulgaria, during which his troops met no resistance).[1][2]
During the World War (which Romania entered in 1916), General Alexandru Averescu led the Second Romanian Army in the successful defense of the Predeal Pass, and was then moved to the head of the Third Army (following the latter's defeat in the Battle of Turtucaia).[1] He commanded Army Group South in the Flămânda operation against the Third Bulgarian Army and other forces of the Central Powers, ultimately stopped by the German offensive (Averescu's forces did not register important losses, and orderly retreated to Moldavia, where Romanian authorities had taken refuge from the successful German operations).[1]
General Averescu
Averescu again led the Second Army to victory in the Battle of Mărăști (August 1917);[5] his achievements, including his brief breakthrough at Mărăști, were considered impressive by public opinion and his officers.[1][2] However, several military historians rate Averescu and his fellow Romanian generals very poorly, arguing that, overall, their direction of the war "could not have been worse".[7] Despite controlling an army of 500,000 plus 100,000 Russian reinforcements, they were defeated by a German-Austrian-Bulgarian army of 910,000 in less than four months of combat.
"The strictness of General Averescu is well known in his army... There is no pardon for a coward, whoever he may be. I was present a few days ago at the execution of a wealthy young cavalry reserve officer. He retired his detachment from a position without reason or order; he was tried and shot four days later. If General Averescu is strict with delinquents, the brave know that they will find in him their best friend and protector. His contact with the army under him is so close that he gets to know of the smallest act of bravery, and rewards, as far as possible personally, the man who has done it."
— the correspondent of The Times from Rumanian headquarters, February 10, 1917[8]
Averescu was widely seen as the person behind a relatively successful resistance to further offensives on Moldavia (the single piece of territory still held by the Romanian state), and he was considered by many of his contemporaries to have stood in contrast to what was seen as endemic corruption and incompetence.[1][2][6][9] The state of affairs, together with the October Revolution in Russia, was to be blamed for the eventual Romanian surrender to the Central Powers; promoted Premier by KingFerdinand I during the period of crisis, Averescu began armistice talks with August von Mackensen in Buftea and Focșani, but was vehemently opposed to the terms — he resigned, leaving the Alexandru Marghiloman cabinet when it signed the Treaty of Bucharest.[2][3][10] Despite Averescu's talks yielding no result, he was repeatedly attacked by his political adversaries for having initiated them.[3]
The Romanian Front in late 1916-early 1917
During the period, he also faced a Russian Bolshevik military action: just before Averescu came to power, as Russia's Leon Trotsky negotiated the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany, the Rumcherod administrative body in Odessa, led by Christian Rakovsky, ordered an offensive from the east into Romania.[11] In order to prevent further losses, Averescu signed his name to a much-criticized temporary armistice with the Rumcherod; eventually, Rakovsky was himself faced with a German offensive (sparked by the temporary breakdown of negotiations at Brest-Litovsk), and had to abandon both his command and the base in Odessa.[11]
People's Party
Character
Averescu quit the army in the spring of 1918, aiming for a career in politics — initially, with a message that was hostile to the National Liberal Party (PNL) and its leader Ion I. C. Brătianu.
He presided over the People's Party (initially named People's League), and he was immensely popular especially among peasants after the end of the war. His force had an appealing populist message, translated into vague promises and relying on the image of the General: peasants had been promised land at the beginning of the war (and they were being rewarded with it at the very moment, through an agrarian reform that reached its full scope in 1923); they had formed the larger part of the Army, and had come to see Averescu as the one to fulfill their expectations, as well as a figure who was still commanding their allegiance.[9]Eliza Brătianu, the PNL leader's wife, placed Averescu's ascension in the context of Greater Romania's creation through the addition of Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Transylvania (while making use of the condescending National Liberal tone towards the Romanian National Party that was emerging triumphant in previously Austro-Hungarian Transylvania):
"[The] so very harsh losses [during the war], the defeats suffered by the Old Kingdom, the traces of foreign domination in the newly acquired provinces, but most of all the state of unhealthy euphoria that had taken hold of Transylvania, who had begun, in all good faith, to believe that only she had made the union happen, all of these have created a sort of insecurity within the borders of [Greater Romania]."[6]
The grouping also established close links with Garda Conștiinței Naționale (GCN, "The National Awareness Guard"), a reactionary group formed by the electrician Constantin Pancu, engaged in violence against communist activists in Iași (the latter were feared by Averescu as well).[13] Nevertheless, in late 1919, Averescu and Argetoianu approached the Socialist Party of Romania and its associate, the Social Democratic Party of Transylvania and Banat, with an offer for collaboration, negotiating the matter with the parties' reformist leaders — Ioan Flueraș, Ilie Moscovici, and Iosif Jumanca.[3] At the time, Argetoianu claimed, his conversations with Moscovici revealed the fact that the latter was growing suspicious of the party's far left wing, where "the blanket-maker Cristescu and others were agitating".[3] Averescu proposed merging the two parties, as a distinct section, into the People's Party; he was refused, and talks broke down when the general expected the Socialists to support his electoral platform.[3]
Impact
According to Eliza Brătianu (who was comparing Averescu with the French rebel soldier Georges Boulanger), several voices inside his movement called on Averescu to lead a republicancoup d'état against King Ferdinand and his wife — a move allegedly prevented only by the general's loyalism.[6] Argetoianu, who admitted that "I shook hands with Averescu [...] expecting a dictatorial regime",[3] claimed that, during his stay in Italy, the general had been decisively influenced by Radicalism and the Risorgimento movement.[3] This, in Argetoianu's view, was the cause for his repeated involvement in conspiracies;[3] he recalled that, in 1919, Davila's house was the scene of regular reunion of officers, who plotted Brătianu's ousting and pondered dethroning the king (in this version of events, Averescu initially accepted to be proclaimed dictator, but, around October of that year, called on conspirators to renounce their plan).[3]
Aiming to answer most of Romania's social and political issues, the League's founding document called for:
"in the autumn of 1919, [Averescu's] popularity had reached its peak. In the villages, people would dream of him, some swore that they had seen him descending from an airplane into their midst, others, who had fought in the war, told that they had lived by his side in the trenches, it was through him that hopes were solidified, and he was expected of to provide a miracle for people to live a carefree and fulfilling life. His popularity was something mystical, something supernatural, and all sorts of legends had begun to surround this Messiah of the Romanian people."[15]
Although he was also Prime Minister of Romania for three mandates (1918, 1920–1921, 1926–1927), his political success is not as spectacular as the military one. Averescu ended up as one of the pawns maneuvered by Brătianu. Argetoianu later repeatedly expressed his distaste for Averescu's hesitant stance and openness to compromise.[3]
Second cabinet
Establishment
Initially, Brătianu approached Averescu using their shared displeasure over the Alexandru Vaida-VoevodRomanian National Party (PNR)-Peasants' Party (PȚ) cabinet; the National Liberals managed to obtain the general's renunciation of his goal to prosecute their party for alleged mis-management of Romania before and during the war, as well as his promise to respect the 1866 Constitution of Romania when carrying out the planned land reform. At the same time, Brătianu kept a tight relationship with King Ferdinand.[5][15]
On March 13, 1920, he gave news of the Vaida-Voevod cabinet's dissolution, and was widely expected to call for early elections as soon as this had happened. Instead, he read a document convened with King Ferdinand, which suspended Parliament (the first legislative body in Greater Romania) for ten days — the measure was intended to give Averescu the time to negotiate a new majority in the chambers.[10][16] These moves caused a vocal response from the opposition: Nicolae Iorga, who was president of the Chamber of Deputies and sided with the National Party, called for a motion of no confidence to be passed on March 26; in return, Averescu obtained the support of the monarch in dissolving the Parliament, and invested his cabinet's energies into winning the early elections by enlisting the help of county-level officials (local administration came to be dominated by People's Party officials).[16][17] It carried the vote with 206 seats (223 together with Take Ionescu's Conservative-Democratic Party).[16]
As agreements between the PNR and PȚ broke down (with the PNR awaiting for new developments), the PȚ joined Iorga's party, the Democratic Nationalists, in creating the Federation of National-Social Democracy (which also drew support from the group around Nicolae L. Lupu).[17]
The regions coming under Romania's administration at the end of the war still maintained their ad hoc administrative structures, including the Transylvanian Directory Council, set up and dominated by the PNR; Averescu ordered these dissolved in April, facing protest from local notabilities.[20] At the same time, he ordered all troops to be demobilized.[3] He unified currency around the Romanian leu, and imposed a land reform in the form in which it was to be carried out by the new Brătianu executive.[3][20] In fact, the latter measure had been imposed by the outgoing PNL cabinet through the order of Ion G. Duca, in a manner which Argetoianu described as "destructive".[3] As an initial step, Averescu's government appointed the noted activist Vasile Kogălniceanu, a deputy for Ilfov County, as rapporteur; Kogălniceanu used this position to give an account of the agrarian situation in Romania, stressing the role played by his ancestor, Constantin, in abolishing Moldavianserfdom, as well as that of his father, Mihail Kogălniceanu, in eliminating corvées throughout Romania.[21]
The People's Party found itself hard pressed to limit the effects of the reform as promised by Duca — reason why Constantin Garoflid, seen by Argetoianu as "the Conservative and theorist of large-scale landed property", was promoted as Minister of Agriculture.[3] Argetoianu also accused the Premier of endorsing reform in an even more radical shape,[3] and contended that:
"[...] peasants blessed «father Averescu», who gave them land, and rallied around him even tighter. Brătianu, Duca, they were nowhere mentioned except in curses. O, human gratitude!"[3]
In October 1920, Averescu reached an agreement with the Allied Powers, recognizing Bessarabia's union with Romania — expressing a hope for the Bolshevik government to be overthrown, it also imposed the region's cession on a projected democratic government in Russia (while calling for further negotiations between it and Romania); throughout the interwar period, the Soviet Union refused to bind itself to the provisions of the agreement.[5]Italy also refused to ratify the document, citing, alongside various foreign interests (including its friendship with the Soviet Union),[22][23] the 250 million Italian lire owed to Italian investors in Romanian state bonds.[23]
Scandals and fall
In March 1921, Argetoianu became implicated in a scandal involving the actions of his associate Aron Schuller, who had attempted to contract a 20 million lire loan with a bank in Italy, using as collateral Romanian war bonds that he had illegally obtained from the Finance Ministry reserve.[24]
With Nicolae Titulescu as Finance Minister, Averescu resumed the interventionist course in economic policies, but broke with tradition when he attempted to legislate a major increase in taxes and proposed nationalizations — with potential negative effects on the PNL-voting middle class.[5][16][25] The National Liberals, through the voice of Alexandru Constantinescu-Porcu, helped exploit the rivalry between the Peasants' Party and Iorga, using the latter's rejection of Constantin Stere (a conflict sparked by Stere's support for Germany during the World War); Stere won partial elections for the deputy seat in Soroca, Bessarabia, causing a political scandal which saw all parties (including the PNR) declare their dissatisfaction.[16] The conflict worsened during a prolonged parliamentary debate over Averescu's proposal to nationalize enterprises in Reșița (an initiative the opposition mistrusted, alleging that the new owners were to be People's Party members), when Argetoianu addressed a mumbled insult to the Peasant Party's Virgil Madgearu.[16]Ion G. Duca of the PNL expressed his sympathies to Madgearu (who had repeated out an obscene word whispered by Argetoianu), and all opposition groups appealed to Ferdinand, asking for Averescu's recall (July 14, 1921).[16]
Ferdinand then attempted to facilitate a fusion between the Romanian National Party and the National Liberals, but negotiations broke down after disagreements over the possible leadership.[16] Eventually, Brătianu convened with Ferdinand his return to power, and the king called on Foreign MinisterTake Ionescu to resign, thus causing a political crisis that profited the PNL and put an end to the Averescu cabinet.
Shows of popular support in Bucharest were called of by Averescu himself, after he had negotiated with Brătianu for a People's Party cabinet to be formed "at a proper time".[15] Ionescu took over as premier until late January 1922, when he was replaced by Brătianu.[25]
Third cabinet
New political alliances
In early 1926, the general was again named Premier, and approached the PNR and its close ally, the Peasants' Party, proposing a merger around his leadership. This met with a stiff refusal, as it seemed that the two were about to win the elections with additional support, but the king, suspicious of the left-wing credentials of the Peasants' Party, used his Royal Prerogative and nominated Averescu as premier (with PNL support).[5][15][26]
Averescu's party was instead joined by PNR dissidents, Vasile Goldiș and Ioan Lupaș, who represented a Romanian Orthodox segment of the Transylvanian voters (rather than the Greek Catholics supporting Iuliu Maniu).[25] The 1926 elections, which Averescu's cabinet organized in March and won with a landslide (269 mandates) also brought a massive defeat for the PNL, who held just 16 seats in the Chamber of Deputies.[5][25][26]
Italian-Romanian Treaty
Although not fascist itself, the new government he formed displayed gestures of friendship towards Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy,[2][13][23] a state which advertised itself as a rising force — The Nation called Averescu "Romania's Mussolini", as "an epithet which the new premier of Rumania bestowed upon himself".[27] Contacts established (as early as June 1926, when Mihail Manoilescu had negotiated a loan in Rome)[23][25] were one of the major points of divergence between the policies of Averescu and those of Brătianu: the former attempted to overcome the embarrassment provoked by Mussolini when, due to Romania's debt, the Italian government had recalled the ambassador and had refused to permit King Ferdinand's pre-convened visit.[23]
The loan convened by Manoilescu and Mussolini made important concessions to Italy in return for a clarification of Romania's debt status; it also led to the signing of a five-year Friendship Treaty (September 16), widely condemned by Romanian public opinion for not having called on Italy to state its support for Romanian rule in Bessarabia,[22][23][28] and created tension inside the Little Entente (Yugoslavia feared that Italy had attempted to gain Romania's neutrality in case of a potential irredentist conflict).[23][28]: 108 Writing at the time, Constantin Vișoianu also criticized the vague terms in which the sections of the document dealing with mutual defense had been drafted:
"What have we gained from Italy through this pact? Nothing. In truth, article 3 — which does not [even] refer to Bessarabia — makes provisions for the eventuality of a violent incursion and organizes a mutual assistance system [that is] original through its Platonic love-like character."[28]: 108 [29]
The treaty expired in 1932, and, after being prolonged by six months, it was not renewed.[23] Overall, the political impact of contacts was minor, given that the Italians mistrusted the Romanian movement for its traditional role as instrument for Brătianu.[13] Referring to the parallel project to marry Princess Ileana to Prince Umberto of Italy,[30] Averescu himself allegedly stated: "I didn't get much from Italy except a throne for a Princess of Rumania".[30]
The cabinet clashed with Brătianu when it was discovered that it had been negotiating in secret with the disinherited Prince Carol (a traditional adversary of the PNL) as Ferdinand's health was taking a turn for the worse[3][5][26][31] (Averescu later claimed that he had been asked by Brătianu: "So, after I have brought you to power, you wish to rise and dominate?").[15][32] The PNL withdrew its support, and, through an order signed by Constantin Hiott,[3] Averescu's was replaced by the broad coalition government of Barbu Știrbey, Brătianu's brother-in-law.[20][26] The general's deposition, confirmed by King Ferdinand on his deathbed,[26] created a vacuum on the Right, soon filled by the Iron Guard, a fascist movement formed by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu (formerly an associate of Cuza's).[13]
Late 1920s politics
Averescu
The People's Party involved itself in solving the dynastic crisis after Ferdinand's death in July 1927, again approaching Carol to replace the child-king Michael and Prince Nicholas' regency. In November 1927, Averescu took the stand in the trial of his supporter Mihail Manoilescu, who was arrested after having incited pro-Carol sentiment; in his testimony, he backed the notion that, despite his initial anger, Ferdinand had ultimately planned to have Carol return to the throne.[31]
His grouping lost much of its supporters to the newly formed National Peasants' Party,[5] and scored under 2% in the 1927 elections.[5][15] Around 1930, Averescu began opposing the universal suffrage he had endorsed earlier, and issued an appeal to the intellectuals in order to have it discarded from legislation on the basis that it was easily influenced by the parties in power.[33] He and his supporter, the pro-authoritarian poet Octavian Goga,[33] received criticism from the left-wingPoporanist journal Viața Românească, who claimed that Averescu had in fact provoked and encouraged widespread electoral irregularities during his time in office.[33]
In November 1930, he filed a complaint against the poet and journalist Bazil Gruia, claiming that the latter had libeled him by publishing, in January, an article in Chemarea which began by questioning the People's Party claim that Averescu was "the only honest comrade of the Romanian peasant" and contrasted it with the general's activities during the 1907 Revolt.[34] The trial was held in Cluj, and Gruia was represented in court by Radu R. Rosetti.[34] On December 1, Gruia was found guilty and sentenced to 15 days in a correctional facility with reprieve, and to a fine of 3,000 lei (soon after, Gruia benefited from a pardon).[34]
Averescu was promoted to Marshal of Romania in the same year,[2][35] during the time when Carol returned to rule as King — the appointment was attributed by Time to his political support for the latter's return.[35][36] According to the same source, by the end of 1930, Averescu was again at the center of Romanian politics, owing to Carol's favor, to the deaths of Ion I. C. and Vintilă Brătianu, and to the unexpected support he gained from the PNL dissident Gheorghe I. Brătianu.[36]
He ultimately showed himself hostile to Carol's inner circle, and especially to the king's lover Magda Lupescu; consequently, Goga was instigated by Carol to take over as leader of the People's Party, and the latter attacked Averescu for "subverting [...] the traditional respect enjoyed by the Crown".[15] The clash led to Goga's creation of the splinter National Agrarian Party, which, although never an important force, obtained more of the vote in the 1932 elections (approx. 3% compared to Averescu's 2%).[15]
Around 1934, as the Guard proclaimed its allegiance to Nazi Germany, the Italians (still rivals of Adolf Hitler), approached Averescu (as well as Manoilescu, Nicolae Iorga, Nichifor Crainic, Cuza, Goga, and other non-Guardist reactionaries), with an offer for collaboration (see Comitati d'azione per l'universalità di Roma).[13] This apparent alliance was, in fact, marked by major dissensions — Averescu and Iorga were routinely attacked by Crainic's Calendarul.[12] Eventually, Averescu's group formed, in 1934, the Constitutional Front, a nationalist electoral alliance with the National Liberal Party-Brătianu, which was joined by Mihai Stelescu's Crusade of Romanianism (an Iron Guard offshoot), and the minor party created by Grigore Forțu (the Citizen Bloc); after the latter two parties disappeared, the Front survived in its original form until 1936, when it disbanded.[37]
In 1937, despite his ongoing feud with Carol, Averescu was appointed a member of the Crown Council. Argetoianu recalled that he and the Marshal had reconciled — at a time when Argetoianu pondered rallying all opposition forces, including the National Peasants' Party, the National Liberal Party-Brătianu, and the Iron Guard, in a single electoral bloc[38] (before the general election of December, the various groups successfully negotiated an electoral pact against the government of Gheorghe Tătărescu). Averescu, who, according to Argetoianu, declared was more interested in convincing Carol to allow his estranged wife Elena of Greece to return to Romania, remained opposed to the deal.[38]
The following year, he was briefly minister without portfolio in the cabinet of Premier Miron Cristea, created by Carol to combat the ascension of the Iron Guard,[13] and opposed the monarch's option to renounce the 1923 Constitution and proclaim his dictatorship (the latter move signaled the end of the People's Party),[15] but was among the figures displayed by Carol's regime.[13] He died soon after in Bucharest, and was buried in the World War I heroes' crypt in Mărăști.[2] In December, the king created the National Renaissance Front as the political instrument of his authoritarian rule.[13]
References
^ abcdefghijPetre Otu, "Mareșalul Alexandru Averescu (1859–1938)" ("Marshal Alexandru Averescu"), in Dosarele Istoriei, 2(30)/1999, p.22-23
^Vincent J. Esposito, The West Point Atlas of American Wars: 1900-1918, United States Military Academy Dept. of Military Art and Engineering, text for map 40
^ abIon Constantinescu, "«Domnilor, vă stricați sănătatea degeaba...»" ("«Gentlemen, You're Ruining Your Health over Nothing...»"), in Magazin Istoric, July 1971, p.23, 26
^ abcdefghiFrancisco Veiga, Istoria Gărzii de Fier, 1919-1941: Mistica ultranaționalismului ("History of the Iron Guard, 1919-1941: The Mystique of Ultra-Nationalism"), Bucharest, Humanitas, 1993 (Romanian-language version of the 1989 Spanish edition La mística del ultranacionalismo (Historia de la Guardia de Hierro) Rumania, 1919–1941, Bellaterra, Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, ISBN84-7488-497-7), p.46-47, 86, 89, 91-93, 98, 252-253, 247-248
^ abcIon Constantinescu, "Dr. N. Lupu: «Dacă și d-ta ai fi fost bătut...»" ("Dr. N. Lupu: «If You Yourself Had Been Beaten...»"), in Magazin Istoric, August 1971, p.37-41
^ abCristian Troncotă, "Siguranța și spectrul revoluției comuniste" ("Siguranța and the Specter of Communist Revolution"), in Dosarele Istoriei, 4(44)/2000, p.18-19
^ abcdefghDumitru Hîncu, "O acțiune politică contestată. Descoperiri în arhivele Ministerului de externe din Viena" ("A Controversial Political Action. Discoveries in the Vienna Foreign Ministry Archives"), in Magazin Istoric, November 1995, pp. 68–70
^Ion Constantinescu, "Duiliu Zamfirescu: «Zero la purtare lui Ionel Brătianu!»" ("Duiliu Zamfirescu: «Grade Zero in Manners to Ionel Brătianu!»"), in Magazin Istoric, September 1971, p.68-70
^ abcdeJoseph Slabey Rouček, Contemporary Roumania and Her Problems, Ayer Publishing, Manchester, New Hampshire, 1971, p.106, 111-113
^ abcdeIon Constantinescu, "V. Madgearu: «Rechinii așteaptă prada!»" ("V. Madgearu: «The Sharks Await Their Pray!»"), in Magazin Istoric, October 1971, p.81-82
^James Fuchs, "Averescu: Rumania's Mussolini", in The Nation, Vol. 122, no. 3175, May 12, 1926
^Slabey Roucek (Contemporary Roumania and Her Problems, p. 112) believed a protocol over Bessarabia to have been in fact concluded, probably based on the vague character of the text
^ ab"Dynastic Alliance?", in Time, December 20, 1926
^ ab"Manoilescu Trial", in Time, November 21, 1927
^Slabey Roucek (Contemporary Roumania and Her Problems, p. 113) supports the version of events later dismissed by Averescu himself, according to which the general had opposed Carol's return
^ abcP. Nicanor & Co., "Miscellanea. (O. Goga despre votul universal)" ("Miscellanea. (O. Goga on Universal Suffrage)"), in Viața Românească, 4-5/XXIII (April–May 1926), p.138-139
^ abcValentin Tașcu, "Mareșalul Averescu nu-și mai aduce aminte" ("Marshal Averescu No Longer Recalls"), in Magazin Istoric, March 1973, pp. 61–65
Otu, Petre; Georgescu, Maria (2022). Durchleuchtung eines Verrats Der Fall des Oberst Alexandru D. Sturdza [Examination of a treason. The Case of Colonel Alexandru D. Sturdza] (in German). Hainburg: Lektor. ISBN9783941866089. OCLC1335552122.
Otu, Petre; Bucur, Viorel V. (2012). Alexandru Averescu Marschall, Politiker, Legende [Alexandru Averescu Marshal, Politician, Legend] (in German). Hainburg/Hessen: Lektor. ISBN9783941866027. OCLC815951423.
A ferry in Mumbai, near the Gateway of India Water transport in Mumbai consists of ferries, hovercraft and catamarans. Proposals to start more water services were initially mooted in the 1990s but were held up due to legal issues.[1] Services are provided by both government agencies as well as private partners.[2] Routes Uran - Elephanta The Maharashtra Maritime Board granted permission to a private operator to begin regular ferry services from Mora jetty in Uran to Elephanta ...
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Pour les articles homonymes, voir Capture. Sur ce schéma, le cours d'eau supérieur est capturé, en raison d'un processus d'érosion naturelle, par le cours d'eau inférieur Une capture, en hydrographie, correspond au changement de cours d'un fleuve, rivière, affluent, ruisseau, détourné de son tracé primitif par une autre rivière plus active. Un lac, étang, marais ou une mare peuvent aussi être capturés par un cours d'eau (en général à la suite de phénomènes d'érosion régres...
Part of the tibia on certain species of bees A European honey bee with corbicula full of pollen, returning to the hive The pollen basket or corbicula (plural corbiculae) is part of the tibia on the hind legs of the female of certain species of bees. They use the structure in harvesting pollen and carrying it to the nest or hive where it is used as food by the colony. Bee species with no pollen baskets have scopae, which fulfil a similar role. Etymology Pollen basket on the tibia of the hind l...
Bilateral relationsCameroon – United States relations Cameroon United States Cameroon–United States relations are international relations between Cameroon and the United States. History Before independence A U.S. presence in Cameroon predated the independence of French Cameroon in 1960. Since the nineteenth century, Cameroon had attracted American missionaries, some of whom – among them the American Presbyterian Mission and the American Baptist Mission – were influential in establishi...
Sweden-related events during the year of 1754 Years in Sweden: 1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 Centuries: 17th century · 18th century · 19th century Decades: 1720s 1730s 1740s 1750s 1760s 1770s 1780s Years: 1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 Alexander Roslin's portrait of Carl Fredrik Adelcrantz made during the latter's stay in Paris in 1754 (in the collection of the Roya...
نسيج الكون : الفضاء،الزمن،ونسيج الواقع The Fabric of the Cosmos : Space,Time, and the Texture of Reality معلومات الكتاب المؤلف براين غرين البلد الولايات المتحدة اللغة إنجليزية الناشر Alfred A.Knopf تاريخ النشر 2004 النوع الأدبي غير خيالية الموضوع الفزياء النظرية،علم الكون الفيزيائي،نظرية الأوتار التق...
For the train, see Hachiōji (train). Core city in Kantō, JapanHachiōji 八王子市Core cityView of top left, Downtown Hachioji, Komiya Park, Naganuma Park, Mount Takao, stone fence and bridge in Hachioji Castle site, Yakuoin in Mount Takao, Hachioji Ramen, Hachioji Traditional Festival on August FlagSealLocation of Hachiōji in TokyoHachiōji Coordinates: 35°39′59.2″N 139°18′57.6″E / 35.666444°N 139.316000°E / 35.666444; 139.316000CountryJapanRegio...
1962 studio album by Chet AtkinsChet Atkins Plays Back Home HymnsStudio album by Chet AtkinsReleased1962RecordedNashville, TNGenreCountry, gospelLength28:29LabelRCA Victor LSP-2601ProducerAnita KerrChet Atkins chronology The Most Popular Guitar(1961) Chet Atkins Plays Back Home Hymns(1962) Caribbean Guitar(1962) Chet Atkins Plays Back Home Hymns is the seventeenth studio album of instrumental gospel hymns by guitarist Chet Atkins. Reception Professional ratingsReview scoresSourceRatin...
Tequila HarrisAlmamaterRensselaer Polytechnic Institute Lane CollegeKarier ilmiahInstitusiGeorge W. Woodruff School of Mechanical Engineering Tequila Harris adalah seorang profesor dan insinyur teknik mesin keturunan Afrika-Amerika asal Amerika Serikat. Harris merupakan profesor manufaktur di Sekolah Teknik Mesin George W. Woodruff yang ada di Institut Teknologi Georgia. Dia bekerja pada bidang pemrosesan polimer dan mendesain sistem mesin.[1] Pendidikan Pada bulan april 2000, Harris ...
This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.Find sources: AFL Townsville – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (October 2015) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Australian Football League Townsville General information Founded 1955 AFL Townsville Season 2022: Premiers Thuringowa Bulldogs Mino...
Turkish footballer and manager This biography of a living person needs additional citations for verification. Please help by adding reliable sources. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately from the article and its talk page, especially if potentially libelous.Find sources: Fatih Terim – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (April 2023) (Learn how and when to remove this template ...
В Википедии есть статьи о других людях с такой фамилией, см. Куликов; Куликов, Андрей. Андрей Куликовукр. Андрій Куликов Дата рождения 27 сентября 1957(1957-09-27) (66 лет) Место рождения Киев, Украинская ССР, СССР Гражданство СССР→ Украина Род деятельности журналист Суп...
2016 single by Snoop Dogg featuring Wiz KhalifaKush UpsSingle by Snoop Dogg featuring Wiz Khalifafrom the album Coolaid ReleasedJune 2, 2016 (2016-06-02)Recorded2016GenreHip hopLength3:57LabelDoggystyleeOneSongwriter(s)Calvin BroadusCameron ThomazProducer(s)KJ ContehSnoop Dogg singles chronology Westside (2016) Kush Ups (2016) All the Way Up (Westside remix) (2016) Wiz Khalifa singles chronology Pull Up(2016) Kush Ups(2016) Sucker for Pain(2016) Kush Ups is a song by Am...
Peta infrastruktur dan tata guna lahan di Komune Ban-sur-Meurthe-Clefcy. = Kawasan perkotaan = Lahan subur = Padang rumput = Lahan pertanaman campuran = Hutan = Vegetasi perdu = Lahan basah = Anak sungaiBan-sur-Meurthe-Clefcy merupakan sebuah komune di departemen Vosges yang terletak pada sebelah timur laut Prancis. Lihat pula Komune di departemen Vosges Referensi INSEE lbsKomune di departemen Vosges Les Ableuvenettes Ahéville Aingeville Ainvel...
Paykov Nikolay Nikolayevich Tavalludi 14-may 1951-yilSamarqand, SSSRVafoti 14-sentyabr 2010-yil(2010-09-14) (59 yoshda) Moskva, RossiyaFuqaroligi SSSR → RossiyaSohasi FilologIsh joylari Yaroslavl davlat universitetiTaʼlimi Leningrad davlat pedagogika instituti Paykov Nikolay Nikolayevich (1951-yil 14-may, Samarqand – 2010-yil 14-sentyabr, Yaroslavl) – yetakchi nokrasolog, filologiya fanlari nomzodi, 2010-yildan – P. G. Demidov nomidagi Yaroslavl davlat u...
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