Vis-à-vis tax revenues, much less academic study has been conducted into the volume and distribution of non-tax revenues,[2] although the most significant forms — oil and natural gas revenues and foreign aid — have been extensively studied since Hossein Mahdavy’s seminal 1970 analysis of the Imperial State of Iran.[3]
In 2009, Farhan Zainulabideen and Zafar Iqbal estimated non-tax revenues to comprise a quarter of total global government revenue.[4] Three years later, Christian von Haldenwang and Maksym Ivanyna produced a higher estimate of around 31 percent.[c]
Twenty-first century studies show that non-tax revenue in petrostates can reach up to 80 percent of Gross Domestic Product and over 90 percent of total government revenue.[6] In resource-poor nations — excluding those gaining strategic rents due to geography or perceived need for aid — non-tax revenues are typically around 10 percent of total government revenue.
Volatility
Non-tax revenues fluctuate much more from one year to another than taxes — three times as much in the European Union,[7] and slightly less than that for the globe as a whole.[8] Many countries in Africa can report changes in non-tax revenue of over 35 percent from one year to another due to variations in the price of their natural resources.[9]
Their value is correlated with changing economic circumstances, repayments and interest on loans may be renegotiated, a record fine in the field of competition can significantly vary the profits of fines and penalties. Moreover, some years are marked by exceptional events: for example, in France in 2012, the sale of "4G" radio frequencies resulted in the collection of nearly €1.3 billion in non-tax revenues.[10]
Effects
The presence of large non-tax revenues — invariably from non-renewable natural resources, foreign aid, or strategic rents like those associated with the Suez Canal — has been shown to make democratisation much less possible.[6] This is generally argued to be because large non-tax revenues weaken the links between state and society and facilitate government investment in repression and patronage,[11] and also because the presence of large non-tax revenues leads to less redistribution of wealth.[2] For instance, it has been calculated that foreign aid has reduced tax revenue in sub-Saharan Africa by ten percent.[12]
Notes
^Land grading prevents the accumulation of silt[1]
^For example, in the United States, federal grants may be considered non-tax revenue for the receiving states
^Based upon an estimated 10.1 percent of global GDP as non-tax revenue and 32.9 percent as total government revenue.[5]
References
^Martin, James (May 1972). "Land Grading: A Pollution Stopper". Soil Conservation: 224–225.
^ abMorrison, Kevin M. (October 24, 2006). Oil, Non-Tax Revenue, and the Redistributional Foundations of Regime Stability. Duke University Seminar on Global Governance and Democracy. Duke University.
^See Mahdavy, Hossein (1970). "The Patterns and Problems of Economic Development in a Rentier Stare: The Case of Iran". In Cook, Michael A. (ed.). Studies in Economic History of the Middle East. London: Oxford University Press.
^Zainulabideen, Farhan; Iqbal, Zafar (July–December 2009). "Taxation and Good Governance and the Influence of Non-Tax Revenues on a Polity: The Pakistani Experience". Policy Perspectives. 6 (2): 73–98.
^ abPrichard, Wilson; Salardi, Paola; Segal, Paul (September 2018). "Taxation, non-tax revenue and democracy: New evidence using new cross-country data". World Development. 109: 295–312.
^Mourre, Gilles; Reut, Adriana (7 June 2018). "Non-tax revenue in the European Union: A source of fiscal risk?". Policy Watch. 26: 198–223.
^Ross, Michael (2001). "Does Oil Hinder Democracy". World Politics. 53 (3): 325–361.
^Bräutigam, Deborah A., ed. (2008). Taxation and State-Building in Developing Countries: Capacity and Consent. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 18–19.
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