José Luis de Oriol y Urigüen, 2nd Marquis of Casa Oriol (1877–1972), was a Spanish businessman, architect and politician. As an architect he designed few historicist residential buildings, some of them very prestigious today. As a businessman he was the moving spirit behind Hidroeléctrica Española and Talgo. As a politician he served as Conservative and Traditionalist MP, growing into a local Álava tycoon.
Family and youth
José María Oriol Gordo
José Luis Valentin Oriol was born[1] to a distinguished Catalan landowner family, his first ancestors recorded in the 17th century.[2] The brother of his paternal grandfather, Buenaventura de Oriol y Salvador, was a prominent Carlist; in return for his service to the cause, Carlos VII made him marquis of Oriol in 1870.[3] José's father, José María de Oriol y Gordo (1842-1899),[4] pursued a military engineer career[5] and as a colonel[6] sided with the legitimists during the Third Carlist War.[7] Briefly on exile in France,[8] while the war was still ongoing he married Maria de los Dolores Tiburcia Urigüen Urigüen.[9] A native of Portugalete and daughter of a prominent member of the emerging Biscaybourgeoisie, Lucien Urigüen,[10] she was heir to a commercial fortune and descendant to a Liberal, anti-Carlist family.[11]
The couple settled in Bilbao, where both José Luis and his younger sister María were born.[12] José studied architecture in Madrid, graduating as the first in class in 1903,[13] to continue with his studies later on in Paris.[14] In 1904 he married an alavesa,[15] Catalina de Urquijo Vitórica. Her father, Lucas Urquijo Urrutia, made his name as a highly successful Basque entrepreneur, co-founder of Hidroeléctrica Española,[16] co-owner of Banco Urquijo[17] and a number of other companies;[18] also Catalina's mother owned an immense fortune.[19] From 1905 to 1924 the couple, residing in Madrid, enjoyed birth of 8 children, José María, Lucas, Fernando, Antonio María, Sacramento, Teresa, Catalina[20] and Ignacio.[21] Four of their five sons enlisted later as the Carlist military volunteers, Requeté (the youngest one as a 13-year-old could not enlist).[22] Except Fernando, who died in combat,[23] all of them became well known figures in the Francoist Spain, either as public servants and politicians or businessmen and entrepreneurs. Many of their numerous offspring are currently present in various areas of public life in Spain, be it politics,[24] business[25] or arts.[26]
Architect
Palacio Oriol in Santurtzi.
José Luis started his architect career mostly by work on family projects, usually large residential estates. The best known designs of this category are grand villas known as Palacio Oriol in Santurtzi (1902),[27] Palacio Arriluce in Neguri (1911)[28] and Palacio San Joséren in Getxo (1916),[29] all overlooking the Bay of Biscay and having been very esteemed locations until today, currently hosting luxurious hotels or prestigious social events.[30] Their style is usually described as various breeds of historicism, with most common references to quasi-medievalism, Romanticism and British Victorian style.
Probably Oriol's most impressive design is a monumental complex of the Medicine Faculty of the University of Valencia (1908), its façade described as eclectic in style[31] and spanning 300 yards. With the construction cost estimated at 4,4m pesetas and esthetical controversies raised, it was nevertheless applauded as a masterpiece of its time, combining technical innovation and high functionality.[32] Especially the large hospital, an elaborate system of pavilions and rooms accommodating 250 beds, with subterranean passages and open galleries, attracted general praise. Enormous scope of the project prolonged the construction work, plagued by a number of misfortunes, like strikes, fires and political instability; the complex was eventually officially opened in 1949.[33]
Hotel AC Palacio del Retiro (Madrid).
The best known Oriol's work, however, is casa de Montalbán, known today as Palacio del Retiro (1914). It was designed in the centre of Madrid as a family residence and office;[34] currently it hosts a luxury hotel.[35] The building, its style described as eclectic or neo-baroque, gained recognition and indeed notoriety for its lavish finishing, including stained-glass windows, fountains and frescos;[36] some of its features bordered extravagance, like elevators which carried horses to and from the rooftop exercise ring.[37]
Oriol went also beyond architecture, trying his hand in urban planning. He designed a never executed project intended to channel the Manzanares river in Madrid,[38] though it was dwarfed by polemics raised by another of his schemes. At that time Madrid was changing into the modern metropolis and kept struggling to cope with the rapidly increasing traffic; to this end, in 1919 Oriol presented his plan, named Reforma interna de Madrid, featuring a proposal to rebuild a section of the Gran Via.[39] His design, discussed also in public,[40] was eventually rejected by the municipal authorities.[41] Also his other designs did not escape criticism, charged with verbosity and grandiloquence.[42]
Businessman
HE logo
Since 1907 Oriol was member of the executive board[43] of Hidroeléctrica Española,[44] the company run by his father-in-law.[45] In 1909 Oriol replaced the ailing Lucas Urquijo at the helm of the enterprise;[46] though his term lasted only a year, he remained in management structures and contributed to the growth of Hidrola. In 1913 he co-founded Electras Marroquíes, responsible for electrification of Northern zone of the Spanish protectorate.[47] When he returned to the top HE post in 1937,[48] Hidrola was already one of the 20 largest Spanish companies (second in the energy sector), controlling 12,5% of the national energy market.[49] Hidroeléctrica owed its success to the sound financial basis,[50] expansive strategy and responsiveness to particular conditions of the oligopolistic energy market structure.[51] Oriol led Hidrola through the years of the Civil War and resigned in 1941, to be replaced by his son José Maria.[52] Throughout his career he has also remained engaged in many HE subsidiaries like Madrileña Electra, Electra Valencia, Cartagena UE or Volta Electric.[53] Apart from the energy sector, Oriol entered the construction business co-founding the Spanish branch of Babcock & Wilcox.[54] He was also sitting in executive boards of a number of other companies[55] and owned a semi-private chemical manufacturing enterprise.[56]
In 1942 Oriol, taking advantage of his family-related position in the banking industry, provided financial backing to an idea developed by Alejandro Goicoechea, namely construction of a new generation, high-speed train. The result was the birth of TALGO, Tren Articulado Ligero Goicoechea Oriol, the new manufacturing and transportation company. The enterprise proved to be a commercial and technological success, though initially it had to rely on the US-based production[57] and was desperately short of foreign currency.[58] By the early 1950s TALGO trains were already providing regular high-speed service, up to 135 km/h, at different national railway routes.[59] They also figured prominently in the Francoist propaganda, expected to demonstrate robustness of the Spanish industry and modernizing capacity of the regime.[60] In 2005 the majority stake in TALGO was bought by Lehman Brothers,[61] though the Oriol family retains a minority share until today.[62]
Already in the early 1930s Oriol accumulated or inherited enormous wealth, estimated at 70m pesetas; the bulk of it was formed by various Spanish securities (46m), complemented by urban properties (17m), rural estates (3m) and own industrial assets.[63] He engaged in charity, supporting specifically a medical outlet known as Instituto Rubio.[64] During the Civil War the Basque government decided to expropriate him, but the measure was hardly applied as Biscay soon fell to the Nationalists,[65] and in the early Francoist era Oriol multiplied his wealth in a peculiar environment of highly regulated economy.[66] He is counted amongst the 100 most important Spanish entrepreneurs of the 20th century.[67]
For 40 years Oriol refrained from engaging into politics, and it is not clear why he changed his mind when decided to run on the maurist ticket to the Cortes in 1918.[68] In the ambience of caciquismo he was elected as a cuckoo candidate from the AndalusianBaeza district (Jaen province).[69] During the Primo de Rivera dictatorship he withdrew from politics, maintaining mere private relations with Antonio Maura.[70] After the fall of monarchy Oriol moved from Madrid to his family property in Urcabustaiz[71] in Álava. While the country was overwhelmed by the Lefitst sway, Oriol proved pivotal in reconstructing the provincial Right.[72] In 1931 he launched and led Hermandad Álavesa, a broad regionalist Catholic conservative grouping;[73] the same year he took over a local daily, re-launched as Pensamiento Alavés and promoting the cause of Christian monarchism and Basque-Spanish loyalty.[74] Within short period he gained a dominant position within the provincial Right and is named paradigmatic for the Rightist Basque caciquismo,[75] Álava sometimes dubbed his personal fiefdom.[76]
In the 1931 election campaign Oriol negotiated joining the PNV; refused a safe place on its electoral lists,[77] he led Hermandad into a Basque-Carlist alliance and was comfortably elected,[78] claiming to defend religious and regional rights.[79] Vocal defending the Church and speaking against secularization,[80] he gained notoriety for assaulting another deputy.[81] Initially he spoke vigorously in favor of a Basque-Navarrese autonomy draft[82] and called Jose Aguirre a “providential figure”,[83] supporting also the later Estella Statute[84] and even the third, Madrid-imposed version.[85] It was only after the Navarrese councils had opted out that Oriol changed his mind, fearing that without Navarre Álava would eventually fall prey to Basque nationalism.[86] At this point he advocated that the local Álava councils reject the autonomous statute,[87] which would indeed turn out to be the case,[88] leading Álavese delegations to Madrid and urging exclusion of the province from the autonomy works.[89]
Carlist standard
Though Hermandad Álavesa retained its separate identity, in 1932 Oriol joined the united Carlist organization, Comunión Tradicionalista.[90] He engaged in vast correspondence with the claimant, referring, among other, to his financial support for the Carlist cause.[91] In Junta Nacional Suprema, the body intended to help the ailing party leader, marques de Villores, he represented the entire Vascongadas,[92] in 1933 having been one of 4 members of this body.[93]On the Carlist ticket[94] he was re-elected to the Cortes in 1933.[95] Oriol forged a close relationship with the new party leader, Tomás Domínguez Arévalo,[96] supportive of broad monarchical alliances, maintaining personal ties with many Alfonsinos and engaging in Acción Española, the organization he heavily supported financially.[97] As die-hard Carlists grew increasingly resentful of mixing with debris of the fallen usurper monarchy Rodezno stepped down, suggesting that Oriol replaces him.[98] When Alfonso Carlos nominated the intransigent Manuel Fal Conde instead, the entire Junta resigned[99] and the new one, appointed in 1935, did not include Oriol.[100]
Conspirator and retiree
requeté on parade, 1936
During the 1936 elections Oriol emerged as a front-runner, but his mandate was cancelled on technical grounds by the Left-dominated parliament.[101] He became crucial in Carlist preparations to overthrow the Republic. His key role was related to financing and organizing illicit transport of arms for Requeté;[102] he also led local clandestine talks with the Falange.[103] Finally, he was instrumental in negotiations with Mola.[104] Oriol sided with those who unconditionally supported the rebellion and committed Álavese requetes accordingly, the position clearly against the national Carlist leadership, which claimed that the generals should accept the Carlist demands first; controversy between Oriol and Fal ensued.[105] During initial days of the insurrection[106] Oriol was key to mobilizing local Álava support[107] and organizing Requeté units;[108] as a result, most of the province fell to the Nationalists.[109]
Initially Oriol seemed the political master of insurgent Álava, on excellent terms with the local military commander, in control of Junta Carlista de Guerra de Álava[110] and the new diputacion provincial dubbed “oriolista”, composed of men forming his entourage.[111] He even allowed himself minor snubs towards the Vitoria bishop, Mateo Mugica.[112] It was thanks to his efforts that unlike Biscay and Gipuzkoa, Álava was spared some remnants of its autonomous regime, including the Concierto economico.[113] The Francoist pressure started to mount in 1937-1938, as positions of civil governor,[114] head of diputación[115] and provincial FET jefe[116] went to Falangist politicians, marking the end of “oriolista” domination.[117] In 1939 some Álavese politicians protested against the regime ignoring Jose Luis Oriol.[118] Early 1940s “oriolismo” was still considered in good health and there were its representatives in Diputaction until 1943,[119] though later within Álavese Traditionalism the oriolistas were outpaced by the Carloctavistas.[120]
Oriol (3fL) during homage address of Traditionalist ex-deputies to Franco, 1969
In the late 1930s, at the height of his political career, for reasons which remain unclear Oriol started to withdraw from politics, ceding most duties to his son and apparently distancing himself from great schemes by becoming alcalde of Getxo in 1939.[121] Though some sources claim that he entered the Falangist National Council[122] and became the regional FET jefe in Biscay,[123] the recent study insists it was José Maria,[124] who also approached the Alfonsist claimant Don Juan and started working towards rapprochement between him and Franco. Except a single work claiming he recognized Don Juan as a Carlist king in 1956,[125] most scholars do not list Oriol y Uriguen among the Juanistas;[126] one author claims that Oriol was firmly against recognising Don Juan as a Carlist heir.[127] None of the sources consulted offers any information on José Luis Oriol's engagement in post-unification Carlism, suggesting that there was indeed none and that he abandoned politics to dedicate himself to business, charity[128] and family life. In 1958 Franco, as the head of state, confirmed the marques title for Oriol,[129] in 1959 transferred to his son.[130] Living in his El Plantio residence[131] at the outskirts of Madrid,[132] he remained active in business until the mid-1960s.[133] As late as 1969 he paid tribute to Franco visiting him with a group of “old Traditionalists”,[134] reported by the press as fully aligned with Francoism and confirming that the last Carlist king was Alfonso Carlos.[135]
^most sources claim his birth year is 1877, see the Geneanet genealogical service here, though the Geneallnet web claims 1888, see here
^Alfonso Ballestero, José Ma de Oriol y Urquijo, Madrid 2014, ISBN8483569159, 9788483569153, chapter Antecedentes familiares, p. 1 (first page of the chapter, original pagination not available; all subsequent page references are marked as subsequent page in chapter)
^Ainhoa Arozamena Ayala, José Luis Oriol Urigüen, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia available here, also La Vanguardia 09.08.1967 available here
^Ballestero 2014, p. 1; some sources claim he was Segundo jefe del Estado Mayor de Dorregarray, ABC 20.04.72 available here
^some sources claim he spent many years on exile and Jose Luis received his education in Paris, see
Oriol y Urigüen, José Luis (1877-1972) entry at mcn.biografias available here
^on February 19, 1876, Ballestero 2014, p. 1; they met in the French San Juan da Luz, ABC 20.04.72 available here
^Gorka Pérez de la Peña Oleaga, Los Ensanches del muelle nuevo de Portugalete: (1869-1917), [in:] Cuadernos de sección. Historia-Geografía Donostia 21 (1993), p. 189, available hereArchived 2014-12-21 at the Wayback Machine
^Ballestero 2014, p. 1; he took part in defense of Bilbao against the Carlists, ABC 20.04.72 available here, Ainhoa Arozamena Ayala, José Luis Oriol Urigüen
^Ballestero 2014, p. 4; Geni claims there was also one more sister, Isabel María de la Concepción Bárbara de Oriol y Urigüen see here
^Ballestero 2014, p. 4, ABC 20.04.72 available here
^Some sources claim he spent all his youth in Paris, see El Pais 05.11.85 available here
^Virginia López de Maturana, La construcción del imaginario simbólico en Vitoria durante el Franquismo: La alcaldía de Luis Ibarra (1957-1966), [in:] Sancho el sabio: Revista de cultura e investigación Vasca 36 (2013), p. 233; Ainhoa Arozamena Ayala, José Luis Oriol Urigüen describes her as Bilbaina
^set up in 1907 jointly with Juan Urrutia, an engineer and heart and soul of the technical dimension of the project, Ballestero 2014, p. 4
^set up by his brother, for details see Onésimo Díaz Hernández, Los primeros años del Banco Urquijo (1918-1931) [University of Navarre paper], available here
^like La Salobreña in Granada or Compañía Minero-Metalúrgica Los Guindos, Ballestero 2014, p. 4
^it consisted of a number of rural properties in Álava and urban estates in Madrid, Ballestero 2014, p. 5
^a carmelistan nun in Cerro, see El Pais 05.11.85 available here
^< see José Luis Valentín de Oriol y Urigüen entry at Geni available here
^Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN9788499709758, for Antonio Maria see pp. 444, 718, 798, 800, for Fernando see p. 444, for José Maria see p. 718, for Lucas María see pp. 718, 720, 800, 802, 804
^Luis Fernando de Oriol y Urquijo entry at Geni available here
^Monica Oriol Icaza, the first woman to lead Circulo de Empresarios, dubbed “la empresaria de hierro” is José Luis’ great-granddaughter, see here
^Inigo de Oriol y Ybarra was a CEO of Iberdrola, see El Pais 08.10.11 available here,
^Miquelo Oriol worked as architect and set up a design studio, see hereArchived 2014-12-21 at the Wayback Machine, see also El Pais 28.01.00 available here
^its style is described as eclectic, combining Romanticism and English-style architecture, see here; currently it hosts a hotel, see here
^Francisco Vera Sempere, Notas históricas para el diseño de la exposición realizada con motivo del centenario del edificio de la Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad de Valencia 1909-2009, [in:] Acto académico y Exposición Conmemorativa 1909-2009. Centenario del Nuevo edificio de la Facultad de Medicina, Valencia 2009, p 9; some sources indicate its construction date as 1904, see here; some sources claim the building was co-designed by Oriol and Manuel Maria Smith Ybarra, see Manuel Maria Smith Ibarra, diseñador en Getxo, [in:] Memorias de Getxo service 20.04.12, available here; its style is described as having medieval references with elements of Victorian British style
^Palacio San Joseren is now part of Patrimonio Cultural de Getxo, its style summarized as medievalist here or eclectic here
^Ballestero 2014, p. 4, Miguel Cabañas Bravo, Amelia López-Yarto, Wifredo Rincón García (eds.), Arte, poder y sociedad en la España de los siglos XV a XX, Madrid 2008, ISBN8400086376, 9788400086374, p 270. Original document is available here
^some sources claim the project was opposed by commercial tycoons like Horacio Echevarrieta, fearing an adverse impact on their business, Ballestero 2014, p. 4
^named Consejo de Administración, Francisco Cayón García, Hidroeléctrica Española: un analis de sus primeros años de actividad (1907-1936), [in:] Revista de Historia Económica 20 (2002), p. 309
^in 1992 the company merged with Iberduero, constituting a new entity, Iberdrola, which is active until today, see its official history here
^Juan Carlos García Adan, Yolanda Diego Martín, El archive historic de Iberdrola y la industria eléctrica en España: fondos para la investigación histórica, {in:] Congreso de Historia Económica, Santiago de Compostela 2005, p. 9, available here, also Cayón García 2002, pp. 303, 308-311
^and presided over acquisition of Compañia Luz y Fuerza de Levante and Sociedad Electra del Cabriel, Ballestero 2014, p. 6, Ainhoa Arozamena Ayala, José Luis Oriol Urigüen
^before a test ride across the Sierra de Guadarrama curves Oriol boarded the train, completed a prayer and ordered to proceed at full speed, ABC 20.04.72; the train reached 135 km/h during testing in January 1944, see hereArchived 2014-12-01 at the Wayback Machine, also ABC 20.04.72 available here
^it was hailed in 1950 as el más alto exponente de la tecnología Española, quoted after Alejandro Goicoechea Omar entry in Aunamendi Eusko Entziklopedia available here, see also the propaganda film with Franco aboard Talgo here, note Oriol standing next to Franco at 00:26
^La Epoca 29.08.27 available here; note that Oriol owned a chemical business - a company manufacturing photographic films - selling to medical institutions
^Lorenzo Sebastián García, La represion economica bajo el primer Gobierno Vasco. La Junta Calificadora Central, [in:] Vasconia 29 (1999), p. 174
^Compare Stanley G. Payne, The Franco Regime, 1936-1975, Madison 2011, ISBN9780299110741, pp. 384-396
^Francisco Cayón García, Miguel Muñoz Rubio, José Luís de Oriol y Urigüen (1877-1972), [in:] Eugenio Torres Villanueva (ed.), Los 100 empresarios españoles del siglo XX, Madrid 2000, ISBN848871727X, pp. 255-258
^Ballestero 2014, p. 7, Ainhoa Arozamana Ayala, José Luis Oriol Urigüen
^his election was contested as supported by fraud, though Oriol himself claimed not a single vote has been bought and Tribunal Supremo pronounced there were no irregularities, Ballestero 2014, pp. 7-8; official Cortes service here In the parliament Oriol joined Comisión de Hacienda and engaging in works on mining and hydro concessions, Ballestero 2014, p. 8
^Ballestero 2014, p. 8; some claim he moved to Izarra, Ainhoa Arozamena Ayala, José Luis Oriol Urigüen; she also claims that in 1932 he moved from Las Arenas back to Madrid
^Antonio Rivera, Historia de Álava, Madrid 2004, ISBN9788489569959, p. 454
^it was set up in 1931 as a conservative, regionalist and Catholic party. It contained a Carlist flavor, though attracting different breeds of monarchists it fell short of dynastical declarations, merging with Carlism in 1932, Javier Ugarte Tellería, La nueva Covadonga insurgente: orígenes sociales y culturales de la sublevación de 1936 en Navarra y el País Vasco, Madrid 1998, ISBN847030531X, 9788470305313, p. 11. When integrated into Carlism HE boasted 30 circles in the province, Roberto Villa García, Las elecciones de 1933 en el País Vasco y Navarra, Madrid 2007, ISBN8498491150, 9788498491159, p. 51
^as opposed to the Republican and Basque national ideologies. Due to conflict with the Heraldo Alaves editor, a nationalist Domingo Arrese, Oriol re-founded the company and re-launched the newspaper under a new title and with partially changed editorial staff. It was issued in 3,000 copies, its chief editors having been José Goñi Aizpurúa and (after 1937) a Catholic priest José Martínez de Marigorta, Eduardo González Calleja, La prensa carlista y falangista durante la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil (1931-1937), [in:] El Argonauta español 9 (2012), p. 4
^some authors claim that he used to buy votes in every single elections he participated in, compare Iñaki Egaña, Quién es quién en la historia del país de los vascos, Tafalla 2005, ISBN8481363995, 9788481363999, p. 385. Oriol’s grip on the provincial politics was so strong it was dubbed “oriolismo”, Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Diputacion-FET de las JONS: la convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Álava (1936-1938), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 21 (2004), p. 156;
^though some sources claim that José Elizagarate was the true organizer of the provincial Traditionalism, Ugarte Telleria 1998, p. 11
^his electoral program was titled “Dios y Fueros”, Ballestero 2014, p. 9
^though formally he joined Comision de Comunicación and Comision de Presidencia, Ballestero 2014, p. 10
^he assaulted a radical deputy Muñoz, Ballestero p. 10. Another of his problems was that his luggage with Spanish securities was intercepted in France; an investigative Cortes procedure was set in motion against Oriol, and he was finally amnestied in 1934, Ballestero 2014, pp. 10-11; he was detained in course of the proceedings, see La Libertad 04.10.32, available here
^Ainhoa Arozamena Ayala, José Luis Oriol Urigüen; Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 1975, ISBN9780521207294, p. 58. “Dios nos ha concedido algo esencial para continuar nuestro camino: un hombre providencial que surgió en la coyuntura y vino a dar a este movimiento, un movimiento de raíz foral, un movimiento de raíz de raza, el movimiento de los ayuntamientos. Ese hombre es Agirre. Su nombre quedará ahí señalado sobre el árbol de Gernika”, quoted after Iñaki Gil Basterra, Araba en 1936. Guerra y repression, [in:] arturocampion.com, available hereArchived 2014-12-21 at the Wayback Machine, p. 6
^Blinkhorn 1975, p. 82; other Carlists who voiced in favor of the statute were Marcelino Oreja, Joaquin Beunza and especially Julián Elorza
^Ballestero 2014, pp. 11-12, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 127
^De Pablo 1988, pp. 263-288, 350, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 232
^some authors claim that in fact Oriol has never been a Carlist and that he remained a liberal; the only area where his outlook overlapped Carlism was strong religiosity, Ballestero 2014, p. 9
^Blinkhorn 1975, p. 72, Eduardo González Calleja, Contrarrevolucionarios: radicalización violenta de las derechas durante la Segunda República, 1931 – 1936, Madrid 2011, ISBN9788420664552, p. 76
^with Rodezno, Lamamie and Pradera, Ballestero 2014, p. 13, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 133
^though he kept somewhat transformed Hermandad de Ayuntamientos de Álava, his personal support party in the province, very much alive, Rivera 2004, p. 585
^Indice Historico de Diputados available here; he joined committees de Estatutos, Industria y Comercio, Comunicaciones Maritimas and Obras Publicas, Ballestero 2014, p. 13
^Oriol was mentally and politically close to Rodezno, both forming part of “establishment”, far away from Carlist radicals and always ready to challenge Fal, see Ugarte Telleria 1998, pp. 85-7
^Pablo Martín Aceña, Elena Martínez Ruiz, La economía de la guerra civil, Barcelona 2006, ISBN8496467333, 9788496467330, p 434; they gained an ironic nickname of “transaccionistas” instead of “tradicionalistas”, see Eduardo G. Calleja, Julio Aróstegui, La tradición recuperada. El Requeté carlista y la insurrección, [in:] Historia contemporánea 11 (1994), p. 36
^Indice Historico de Diputadoshere; during the third term he joined Comisión de Estatutos and Comisión de Obras Publicas, Ballestero 2014, p. 13
^Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939, London 2006, ISBN1101201207, 9781101201206, p 42, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 238, Gonzales Calleja 2011, pp. 196, 372
^they talked on June 4 according to Gonzales Calleja 2011, p. 379, or June 3 according to Ugarte Telleria 1998, p. 78; the controversy is discussed in Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN8487863523, 9788487863523, p. 33
^it was confirmed for Álava by a message sent by Oriol to the Navarrese: “Diga al Director del Banco que se acepta la letra enlas condiciones de pago establecidas”, quoted after Gil Basterra, Araba 1936, p. 3
^he spoke from the balcony like Millan Astray, with whom he was a childhood friend, Ugarte Telleria 1998, p. 190
^Ballestero 2014, p. 17, Ugarte Telleria 1998 p. 104. In general, enthusiasm in Álava was high but still lower than in Navarre; in Álava there were 30 requete volunteers per 1,000 population, in Navarre the figure was 64 (only certain Álavese comarcas, like Rioja or Valles, reached that level), Ugarte Tellera 1998, pp. 466-7
^Detailed account in Javier Ugarte Tellería, Antonio Rivera Blanco, La Guerra Civil en el País Vasco: la sublevación en Álava, [in:] Historia contemporánea 1 (1988), pp. 181-204
^Javier Ugarte Tellería, El carlismo en la guerra del 36. La formación de un cuasi-estado nacional-corporativo y foral en la zona vasco-navarra, [in:] Historia contemporánea 38 (2009), p. 72, Ugarte Telleria 1998, p. 31
^Gabriel Jackson, Spanish Republic and the Civil War, 1931-1939, Princeton 2012, ISBN1400820189, 9781400820184, p 376. He probably refers to an incident described by Gil Basterra, Araba 1936, p. 10: “Una vez allí, exigieron la presencia del Obispo y a su llegada le obligaron a gritar “! Viva España!”. Como el Obispo dijese “pues Viva España”, la multitud de energúmenos gritaron, “no, sin el pues”, teniendo que repetir los gritos de rigor”
^in 1937 an oriolista civil governor Candido Ichaso was replaced by a Eladio Esparza, who though in his youth related to Carlism, in the 1920s distanced himself from the movement; he soon started to display a Falangist zeal
^Elizgarate replaced a “pragmatic oriolista” Echave-Sustaeta in early 1938
^Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Diputacion-FET de las JONS: la convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Álava (1938-1943), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 22 (2005), p. 151
^Cantabrana Morras 2005, pp. 158-9; the Álavese Carlism was increasingly divided between the oriolistas, the intransigent falcondistas, the carloctavistas and the Nucleo Lealtad group, active already in the Republican times and led by Elizagarate, Cantabrana Morras 2005, pp. 156-7
^Ballestero 2014, p. 17, Cantabrana Morras 2005, p. 171
^Blinkhorn 1975 lists “Jose Luis Oriol” in personal index (p. 392) as mentioned on p. 293, where there is a mere reference to 11 Carlists, footnoted as including an “Oriol” (p. 361); the Oriols are also confused in otherwise detailed and systematic work of Peñas Bernaldo, 1996, compare index p. 333 listing "Oriol Jose Ma" and p. 29, mentioning "jefe carlista alaves Oriol"
^Blinkhorn 1975 lists “Jose Luis Oriol” in personal index (p. 392) as mentioned on p. 392, where there is an “Oriol”;
^Ballestero 2014, p. 17, also Cantabrana Morras 2005, p. 169
^César Alcalá, Cruzadistas y carloctavistas: historia de una conspiración, Barcelona 2012, ISBN9788493884253, p.385
^compare Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del carlismo contemporaneo 1935-1972, Barcelona 1976, ISBN8425307600, p. 299
^which was allegedly the only major political point where the father did not agree with the son, Ballestero 2014, p. 93
^in 1952 Oriol founded Fundación Oriol Urquijo, supposed to facilitate philosophy studies in Germany, the idea having been to combine German virtues with Latin ingenuity, Ballestero 2014, p. 19, see its web page here
^Franco made Jose Luis 2nd marquis of Oriol, which denied marquesado to his grandfather and father; according to the orthodox Carlist reading, José Luis should be considered the 4th marquis, see here
Alfonso Ballestero, José Ma de Oriol y Urquijo, Madrid 2014, ISBN8483569167, 9788483569160
Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 1975, ISBN9780521207294
Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Díputación-FET de las JONS. La convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Alava (Primera parte: 1936-1938), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 21 (2004), ISSN1131-5350, pp. 149–180
Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Díputación-FET de las JONS. La convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Alava (Segunda parte: 1938-1943), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 22 (2005), ISSN1131-5350, pp. 139–169
Francisco Cayón García, Miguel Muñoz Rubio, José Luís de Oriol y Urigüen (1877-1972), [in:] Eugenio Torres Villanueva (ed.), Los 100 empresarios españoles del siglo XX, Madrid 2000, ISBN848871727X, pp. 255–258
Virginia López de Maturana, La Guerra Civil en Álava a través de la prensa: un estudio de los discursos propagandísticos en 'Pensamiento Alavés' y 'Norte', [in:] El Argonauta español [online periodical] 13 (2016)
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