In 1440, John Hunyadi became the trusted adviser and most highly regarded soldier of King Władysław III of Poland. Hunyadi was rewarded with the captaincy of the fortress of Belgrade and was put in charge of military operations against the Ottomans. Władysław recognized Hunyadi's merits by granting him estates in Eastern Hungary. Hunyadi soon showed and displayed extraordinary capacity in marshaling its defenses with the limited resources at his disposal. He was victorious in Semendria over Isak-Beg in 1441, not far from Nagyszeben in Transylvania, where he annihilated an Ottoman force and recovered for Hungary suzerainty over Wallachia. In the year of 1442, John Hunyadi won four victories against the Ottomans, two of which were decisive.[5] In March 1442, Hunyadi defeated Mezid Bey and the raiding Ottoman army at the Battle of Szeben in the south part of the Kingdom of Hungary in Transylvania.[6] In September 1442, Hunyadi defeated a large Ottoman army of BeylerbeyŞehabeddin, the Provincial Governor of Rumelia. This was the first time that a European army defeated such a large Ottoman force, composed not only of raiders, but of the provincial cavalry led by their own sanjak beys (governors) and accompanied by the formidable janissaries.[7] These victories made Hunyadi a prominent enemy of the Ottomans and a renowned figure throughout Christendom and were prime motivators for him to undertake along with King Władysław the famous expedition known as the "Long Campaign" in 1443, with the Battle of Niš being the first major clash of this expedition. Hunyadi was accompanied by Giuliano Cesarini during the campaign.[8][9] The battle took place in the plain between the Bolvan Fortress (near Aleksinac) and Niš on 3 November 1443.[3] Ottoman forces were led by Kasim Pasha, the beglerbeg of Rumelia, Turakhan Beg and Isak-Beg.[10] After the Ottoman defeat, the retreating forces of Kasim Pasha and Turakhan Beg burned all of the villages between Niš and Sofia to hinder the crusaders in finding provisions.[11][12] The Ottoman sources explain the Ottoman defeat by a lack of cooperation between the Ottoman armies led by different commanders.[13] The Ottoman Sultan Murad II, who had been occupied with a war against the Karamanids, rushed to his European possessions in order to establish defenses on the crusader path to prevent them from reaching his capital Edirne. Turakhan Bey convinced Murad to burn down Sofia and retreat to the Bulgarian mountains.[14] Towards the end of November, the crusaders entered Sofia.[11][14] Following the capture of the city, Hunyadi reported to the Saxon towns of Transylvania the Sultan had ''fled towards the sea'' and that he would in the Edirne within six or eight days.[14] As it appeared later, the sultan had opted to block the two mountain passes leading to Edirne, one being an ancient Roman road named Trajan's Gate and another route named Zlatitsa Pass.[15]
Battle
Hunyadi opted for the less popular and more difficult route to Edirne through Zlatitsa, hoping to overcome the Ottomans with an unexpected maneuver.[15] However by the time the crusaders had left Sofia the pass had already been blocked by the Turks, the troops guarding it led by Murad in person.[15] The pass had been obstructed with large boulders and cut trees to make any attack by the crusaders difficult.[15] At Zlatitsa, the crusaders met a major and well-fortified Ottoman army for the first time, as they had only clashed against local garrisons and hastily mobilized irregular troops along their route towards Edirne so far.[11][16] The severely cold weather favored the position of the Ottoman defenders,[17] led by Kasım Pasha and Turakhan Beg under the command of Murad.[15][18] After the earlier rumors of the sultan's flight, the situation likely came as a surprise to many in the Christian army.[15] Nevertheless, on the twelfth of December Hunyadi tried to break through the pass, using artillery and trusting in the superior armor of his army.[15] The crusaders intended to continue their advance toward Adrianople through the forests of Sredna Gora after forcing the pass.[18] The attempt proved futile, however, and the Ottoman forces made up of Janissaries, Azeps and Kapıkulus[19] were able to successfully stop the offensive of the crusaders.[20][4][15][21][19][22] Hunyadi himself almost fell into Ottoman hands, and the decision was made to withdraw from the pass.[15] It was only the wagon fort defense that saved the retreating army from destruction at Ottoman hands.[21] Hunyadi and his troops covered the retreat, and there may have been one last attempt to lure the Ottomans out of their well-defended positions.[15] If so, the plan almost worked, as the Ottomans were planning on attacking the crusaders who were retreating before Turakhan Beg advised Murad against the potentially self-destructive offensive on the newly established wagon forts the Christians had formed outside of the pass, leading the Sultan to cancel the plan.[15]
Aftermath
After the Battle of Zlatica and the subsequent retreat of the crusaders, the battlefield and surrounding regions were completely destroyed. Serbia was devastated while Sofia was destroyed and burnt, turned into a "black field" with its surrounding villages being turned into "black charcoal".[23] Only Đurađ Branković gained from the 1443 campaign.[24]
As the Christians marched home, the Ottoman forces closely followed the retreating army.[25] After an indecisive clash on the 24th of December near Melstica, the Sultan entrusted the task of pursuing the enemy to Kasım Pasha and Turakhan Beg and went back to the recently recaptured Sofia.[25][26] Soon after this, the crusaders ambushed and defeated a pursuing Turkish force in the Battle of Kunovica, where Mahmud Bey, son-in-law of the Sultan and brother of the Grand VizierÇandarlı Halil Pasha, was taken prisoner.[27]
Historical sources
There is some debate amongst historians as to the details and the outcome of the battle, as various sources give contradictory accounts.[28][29][30] Historian Colin Imber argues that the battle was disastrous for the Christian forces,[31] arguing the victory at the later battle of Kunovica created the illusion that the clash at Zlatitsa had been a Christian triumph. Further stating that ''the illusion of victory'' was one Władysław and especially Cesarini were ''anxious'' to maintain, pointing out the reports from Jehan de Wavrin stating that after the campaign, Cesarini was to go to the Pope, and in every place he went through, announce the great victories he and the King had won against the Turks, while keeping quiet about the losses suffered in the mountains, contradicting anyone who said anything about them.[32] Similarly, Turkish Historian Halil İnalcık argues that the anonymous Ottoman chronicle Gazavât-ı Sultan Murad bin Mehmet Han, which describes the battle as an Ottoman victory, gives the most reliable account amongst all the Ottoman chronicles about the events related to the Battle of Zlatitsa and Battle of Varna.[19][33] Polish historian Jan Dąbrowski, on the other hand, argues that the Christians were able to successfully drive the Turks away at Zlatitsa and proceeded farther on before retreating. His claim, however, is criticized by researcher John Jefferson in his book The Holy Wars of King Wladislas and Sultan Murad, who argues that Dąbrowski had confused the battles of Nish and Zlatitsa in his work, with Jefferson too agreeing on the Christian advance being halted at Zlatitsa.[22]
^Imber, Colin (2006). The Crusade of Varna 1443-145. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN9781472416940. In reality, it had been a disaster. In his account of the Hungarian army's retreat, Długosz describes 'the greater part of the King's army falling in heaps, overcome by hunger, and some soldiers marching with their bodies tottering hither and thither... most of them in truth so exhausted that you would think them to be ghosts devoid of flesh rather than men. His description echoes precisely the account of the army's return in The Holy Wars of Sultan Murad.
^ ab"Battle of Zlatica". Encyclopædia Britannica. 2014. Retrieved 13 November 2014. ...finally defeated Hunyadi at the Battle of Zlatica (İzladi) in 1443
^Babinger, Franz (1992), Mehmed the Conqueror and His Time, Princeton University Press, p. 25, ISBN978-0-691-01078-6, The combined host met Ottoman forces first on November 3, 1443, between Bolvan and the city of Niš. Here Kasim Bey, then governor of Rumelia, Ishak Bey and other standard bearers were defeated.
^ abcFine, John V. A. Jr. (1994) [1987]. The Late Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press. p. 548. ISBN0-472-08260-4.''They then moved on and captured Sofija... It should be stressed, however, that the crusaders' victories were against the armies assigned to garrison the towns and fortresses along this route. They had not yet seen the major Ottoman army... As they withdrew the Ottoman troops burned the environs of Sofija and the lands along the route east, to hinder the crusaders in finding provisions.''
^Imber, Colin (2006), The Crusade of Varna, 1443-45, Aldershot ; Burlington (Vt.) : Ashgate, cop., p. 270, ISBN978-0-7546-0144-9, OCLC470458159, The Ottoman sources in general emphasize the disagreement and lack of cooperation between frontier Ottoman forces under Turakhan and sipahi army under Kasim
^ abcPálosfalvi, Tamás (2018). From Nicopolis to Mohács, A History of Ottoman-Hungarian Warfare 1389-1526. Brill Academic Publishers. p. 114. ISBN9789004375659. The Ottoman Anonymous, openly hostile to Turahan Bey, blames the latter for convincing the sultan to burn Sofia and retreat... At the very end of November, the Christian army accordingly reached Sofia. From there, Hunyadi informed the Saxon towns of Transylvania on 3 December that the sultan had fled "towards the sea," and he was about to follow him and would be in Edirne within six or eight days
^ abcdefghijkPálosfalvi, Tamás (2018). p. 116, ''it led through the pass known as Trajan's Gate. The other, which was even more difficult to pass so late in the season, crossed the mountains in a north-south direction at Zlatitsa... instead of choosing the most commonly used route leading through Trajan's Gate, Hunyadi opted for the Zlatitsa Pass, probably still hoping that he would be able to overcome the Ottomans by a swift and unexpected move... By the time the Christians reached the Zlatitsa Pass sometime in the middle of December, it had also been blocked, and was guarded by Murad in person. The pass was obstructed with both stone and felled trees... After the rumours about the sultan's flight, this situation may have come as a surprise to many in the Christian army. Nevertheless, on 12 December, using artillery and trusting in the superior armour of his troops, Hunyadi tried to break through the pass. His efforts proved futile, however, and the voevode himself almost fell into Ottoman hands. Then it was decided that the king and part of the army, together with the wagons, should withdraw from the pass, with Hunyadi and his troops covering the retreat. It may have been a last-ditch effort to trick the Ottomans out of their well-defended positions. If so, the plan almost worked, for -according to the Anonymous- it was once again the notorious Turahan upon whose advice Murad cancelled a potentially self-destructive assault on the newly-established Christian wagenburg outside the pass''
^Pálosfalvi, Tamás (2018). p. 113 "The one and only pitched battle of the entire campaign took place somewhere between Nish and Krusevac on 3 November... shows clearly that the majority of the Ottoman forces taking part in the encounter must have been hastily-mobilized irregular troops."
^ abcİnalcık, Halil. Yeni bulunuş bir Gazavat-ı Sultan Murad. ''Oruç: "Sultan Murad Hana haber oldu, Sultan Murad Han Edirne'den çıkup Rumeli çerisiyle ve azepleriyle ve yeniçerisiyle ve kapuhalkıyle kışın zemherirde İzladi Derbendi'nde kâfirle buluşup cenk edüp kâfirleri Derbend'den gerisine döndürüp..., Anonim: Hemen aynı... Hulâsa, Gazavat'ın İzladi ve Varna savaşları hakkında elimizdeki Osmanlı kaynakları arasında en tafsilâtlı bir kaynak olduğuna şimdilik hükmedebiliriz.''
^Saygan, Çağlar (2021). General Overview on the Correspondence Incident between Murad II and Mehmed II, ''İzladi Geçidi'nde karşılaşan Osmanlı kuvvetleri burada Haçlıları durdurmuştur''
^ abImber, Collin (2006). The Crusade of Varna, 1443-45. ISBN978-0-7546-0144-9. The Ottoman tactic was to use scorched earth to wear down the Hungarians and then to encounter them in the mountain passes beyond Sofia, where Ottoman inferiority in numbers would not be such a disadvantage. To this end, the Sultan ordered the inhabitants in the mountains to fell trees to impede the invaders' passage. The tactic was successful, and made more so by the onset of bitterly cold weather. At the battle of the Zlatitsa Pass, fought in the snow immediately before Christmas 1443, the Hungarians suffered their first - and crucial defeat. It was the wagenburg defence that saved their retreating army from destruction
^ abJefferson 2012, pp. 330–331: "Confused by the Polish date for Adalbert's translation, but unable to reconcile it with the early date of 20 October, Dąbrowski mistakenly maintains that the letter was written in December, after the battle of Zlatitsa. He bases this off of the date given in Bachmann, in which the date is given as "tercia die festo beati Luce ewangeliste nunc preteriti," which would seem to support the date of October 20th. Yet there is a simple explanation for this. As mentioned above, the feast day St. Adalbert's translation differed locally in both Poland (20 October) and Hungary (6 November). The copyist, almost certainly Polish, calculated the date in question based on the Polish date for Adalbert's translation, i.e. 20 October, and not the Hungarian one which would have been used by Wladislas' royal chancellery. In order to rid future readers of the same ambiguity he had encountered, he changed the date to one that would have been universally understood, that is, he used the feast of St. Luke (18 October) as the reference date, which was identical throughout Christendom. Dąbrowski seems to have overlooked this rather simple explanation and instead maintained that there was an error in Bachmann and the feast day should be "Lucie," not "Luce," which gives the letter the same date as Hunyadi's dispatch from January 6. But January 6 makes no sense given the text. There is no mention in the letter of the battles of Zlatitsa or Kunovitsa, all of which had taken place by January 6 and which were described in Hunyadi's letter. The letter does, however, mention Balaban Pasha and Isa Bey, both of whom fought and were captured at Nish (see Hunyadi's letters and the Gazavât). Dąbrowski cites as a second point of evidence that Wladislas was headed off to Edirne, as he would have after Zlatitsa (more on this below). Therefore, in his reckoning, this letter must refer to that battle. This is a bit of circular reasoning, for the letter itself is his evidence that they pushed on after Zlatitsa, and the date of the letter is for him proven by the fact that they pushed on after Zlatitsa. What seems most problematic for Dąbrowski is that the king mentions in the letter a battle at Sophia, which by no account took place after Zlatitsa. Instead, the crusaders arrived at Sophia after the earlier battle of Nish. Yet in his letter Wladislas does not write that the battle took place "at" Sophia, but "near" Sophia, "conflictus idem prope civitatem Zofia." This makes sense if the letter was, as I believe, simply a piece of propaganda for his subjects in far-away Hungary and Poland regarding Hunyadi's victories at Nish and Aleksinac. Neither of these Bulgarian cities would have been immediately recognizable to Europeans by name. Instead it would make sense to mention the well-known city of Sophia. It is much easier to accept this, i.e. that the battle referred to is that of Nish/Aleksinac, than maintain that the battle referred to in the letter is Zlatitsa, and that the king continued on from that battle further into the Ottoman heartland (again, see below). Indeed, this letter is the basis for the biggest error Dąbrowski commits in his study of the Long March. Based on Wladislas' words in this letter "procedere disposuimus versus civitatem Andrinopolim," and believing that the battle described in the letter is the Battle of Zlatitsa, he assumes the Christians drove the Turks away at Zlatitsa and were able to proceed a bit farther on. This was not at all the case, as multiple sources both Ottoman and otherwise confirm. The Christian advance was decisively halted by the Ottomans at Zlatitsa and they were forced to turn back. The details that the letter mentions instead entirely reflect the Battle of Nish. Facts mentioned in the letter, for example that the battle began around noon and lasted for a long time, that Balaban Pasha was captured, and that the men were now ready to head on to Edirne all agree with Hunyadi and Cesarini's letters after the Battle of Nish/Aleksinac. Thus, there can be little doubt that the king is referring in this letter to the battles of Nish/Aleksinac, and that it's date is Nov. 6th."
^ abPálosfalvi, Tamás (2018). p. 118 "The retreat was an inverse reflection of the outward march, with Hunyadi now providing the rearguard for the royal army marching in front. The Christian forces were closely followed by the Ottomans, commanded by Murad in person, and on 24 December a battle took place at a place called Melstica, presumably south of Sofia. The time apparently came for the wagenburg to assume its proper role: turning back after a rapid assault against the enemy lines, Hunyadi tried to lure the Ottomans into the death-trap constituted by the firearms installed on the wagons. Again, if the narrative of the best-informed Ottoman chronicler can be trusted, the sultan himself failed to realize the Christians' goal, but Turahan Bey revealed to him the "treachery and deceitfulness" of the enemy. Although the author likens the Ottoman soldiers attacking the wagenburg to "lions that have tasted blood," and tells how, before retreating into the wagenburg, Hunyadi's men "began to fell like autumn leaves, the encounter at Melstica was probably not a major one. Hunyadi himself, who, speaking about the battle around Niš before, and that of Kunovitsa later on, offers valuable details both about the opposing Ottoman forces and the circumstances of the encounter, keeps relative silence when it comes to Melstica. His laconic account is all the more interesting since, unlike in the other two battles, the Ottoman emperor was present in the fighting on 24 December. In the last week of December, the Christian army continued its westward march, and, passing through the Dragoman Pass, arrived in the region of Pirot at the very end of 1443. Sultan Murad had gone back to Sofia after the indecisive encounter of 24 December, entrusting the task of pursuing the enemy to Kasim Pasha and Turahan Bey, as well as Mahmud Chelebi, brother of Grand Vezir Halil Pasha, who led some Anatolian troops..."
^Jefferson 2012, p. 350: "With the Ottomans unwilling to assault the tabor the battle at Melshtitsa proved indecisive. The crusader army continued home, marching through the Dragoman pass into the plain of Pirot. Meanwhile Murad had dispatched a force of cavalry to pursue the crusaders; he himself went back to Sophia. The pursuit force was composed of Kasım Pasha and the men under his standard, Turahan Bey with the "Army of Thessaly," and Mahmud Chelebi with seven banners of recently arrived troops from Anatolia."
^Fine, John V. A. Jr. (1994). The Late Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest, p. 549 "But along the route, at Zlatica, they met a strong and well-placed Ottoman defense force. After a period of facing each other, including it seems a couple of skirmishes (about which our few sources contradict one another on details and outcome), the crusaders retreated"
^Mustafa Serdar Palabiyik (2012). "The Changing Ottoman Perception of War: From the Foundation of the Empire to its Disintegration". In Avery Plaw (ed.). The Metamorphosis of War. New York, United States of America. p. 129.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
^Imber, Colin (2006). The Crusade of Varna 1443-145. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN9781472416940. In reality, it had been a disaster. In his account of the Hungarian army's retreat, Długosz describes 'the greater part of the King's army falling in heaps, overcome by hunger, and some soldiers marching with their bodies tottering hither and thither... most of them in truth so exhausted that you would think them to be ghosts devoid of flesh rather than men. His description echoes precisely the account of the army's return in The Holy Wars of Sultan Murad.
^Imber, Colin (2006). The Crusade of Varna 1443-145, ''On the return march, however, Hunyadi was able to secure another victory, when he ambushed a pursuing force in the Dragoman Pass, taking prisoner Mahmud Bey, the son-in-law of the Sultan and brother of the Grand Vizier. Constantine Mihailović names the place of the action as Kunovica. It was probably, above all, this success that created the illusion that the war of the Zlatitsa Pass had been a Christian triumph. In reality, it had been a disaster. In his account of the Hungarian army's retreat, Długosz describes 'the greater part of the King's army falling in heaps, overcome by hunger, and some soldiers marching with their bodies tottering hither and thither... most of them in truth so exhausted that you would think them to be ghosts devoid of flesh rather than men. His description echoes precisely the account of the army's return in The Holy Wars of Sultan Murad. However, the appearance of the captured standards in the Church of the Blessed Virgin in Buda reinforced the illusion of victory. It was an illusion that the King and, especially, Cesarini were anxious to maintain. Jehan de Wavrin reports that, after the battle, Cesarini was to go to the Pope, and in every place that he went through, he was to announce the great victories that he and the King had won against the Turks. However, he was to keep quiet about the losses that the Christians had suffered in the mountains, contradicting anyone who said anything about them''
