The Zengid Atabegate became famous in the Islamic world for its successes against the Crusaders, and for being the Atabegate from which Saladin originated.[9] Following the demise of the Seljuk dynasty in 1194, the Zengids persisted for several decades as one of the "Seljuk successor-states" until 1250.[10]
Zengi quickly became the chief Turkic potentate in Northern Syria and Iraq, taking Aleppo from the squabbling Artuqids in 1128 and capturing the County of Edessa from the Crusaders after the siege of Edessa in 1144. This latter feat made Zengi a hero in the Muslim world, but he was assassinated by a slave two years later, in 1146.[14] On Zengi's death, his territories were divided, with Mosul and his lands in Iraq going to his eldest son Saif ad-Din Ghazi I, and Aleppo and Edessa falling to his second son, Nur ad-Din, atabeg of Aleppo.
Now ruling from Damascus, Nur ad-Din's success continued. Another Prince of Antioch, Raynald of Châtillon was captured, and the territories of the Principality of Antioch were greatly reduced.
After the defeats of the Seljuk Empire in Khorasan and the death of the Seljuk ruler Ahmad Sanjar in 1157, the Zengids remained nominally under Seljuk suzerainty, but in practice became essentially independent.[3]
In the 1160s, Nur ad-Din's attention was mostly held by a competition with the King of Jerusalem, Amalric of Jerusalem, for control of the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt. From 1163 to 1169, Shirkuh, a military commander in the service of the Zengid dynasty, took part in a series of campaigns in Fatimid Egypt, on the pretext to help the Fatimid vizier Shawar regain his throne from his rival Dirgham, and in opposition to the Crusader invasions of Egypt.[18] In 1164, Latin Patriarch of AntiochAimery of Limoges sent a letter to King Louis VII of France, in which he described the events in the Crusader States: "[Shirkuh] having gotten possession of Damascus, the latter entered Egypt with a great force of Turks, in order to conquer the country."[19]
In 1163, the vizier to the Fatimid caliph al-Adid, Shawar, had been driven out of Egypt by his rival Dirgham, a member of the powerful Banu Ruzzaik tribe. He asked for military backing from Nur ad-Din, who complied and, in 1164, sent Shirkuh to aid Shawar in his expedition against Dirgham. Shirkuh's nephew Saladin, at age 26, went along with them.[20] After Shawar was successfully reinstated as vizier, he demanded that Shirkuh withdraw his army from Egypt for a sum of 30,000 gold dinars, but Shirkuh refused, insisting it was Nur ad-Din's will that he remain.[21]
Saladin began his military career in the army of Nur ad-Din, during the Zengid conquest of Egypt in 1163–1169.[20]
In 1167, the Zengids engaged in a new campaign in Egypt. They sacked Bilbais, and the Crusader-Egyptian force and Shirkuh's army were to engage in the Battle of al-Babein on the desert border of the Nile, just west of Giza. The Crusader force enjoyed early success against Shirkuh's troops, but the terrain was too steep and sandy for their horses, and commander Hugh of Caesarea was captured while attacking Saladin's unit.[22] The battle ended in a Zengid victory, one of the "most remarkable victories in recorded history", according to Ibn al-Athir. Saladin and Shirkuh moved towards Alexandria where they were welcomed, given money and arms, and provided a base.[23] Faced by a superior Crusader–Egyptian force attempting to besiege the city, Shirkuh split his army. He and the bulk of his force withdrew from Alexandria, while Saladin was left with the task of guarding the city.[24]
In 1168, the Zengid army was called for a third time in Egypt, as the Crusaders were besieging Cairo.[18] The Crusaders lifted the siege and left.[18] In 1169, Shirkuh lured the vizier into an ambush and killed him after which he seized Egypt in the name of his master Nur ad-Din, becoming the new Fatimid vizier and amir al-juyush with the approval of Caliph al-Adid, and therefore bringing Egypt under formal Zengid dominion. Shirkuh died the same year and was replaced by his nephew Saladin as vizier.[18][6][5]
During the reign of Nur al-Din (1146–1174), Tripoli, Yemen and the Hejaz were added to the state of the Zengids.[7] The Artuqids became vassals of the Zengids.[25] Nur ad-Din also took control of Anatolian lands up to Sivas. His state extended from Tripoli to Hamadan and from Yemen to Sivas.[8]
Shirkuh's nephew Saladin was appointed vizier by the last Fatimid caliph al-Adid and Governor of Egypt, in 1169. Al-Adid died in 1171, and Saladin took advantage of this power vacuum, effectively taking control of the country. Upon seizing power, he switched Egypt's allegiance to the Baghdad-based Abbasid Caliphate which adhered to Sunni Islam, rather than traditional Fatimid Shia practice.
In the early summer of 1174, Nur ad-Din was mustering an army, sending summons to Mosul, Diyar Bakr, and the Jazira in an apparent preparation of an attack against Saladin's Egypt. The Ayyubids held a council upon the revelation of these preparations to discuss the possible threat and Saladin collected his own troops outside Cairo.[27]
On 15 May 1174, Nur ad-Din died after falling ill the previous week and his power was handed to his eleven-year-old son as-Salih Ismail al-Malik. His death left Saladin with political independence and in a letter to as-Salih, he promised to "act as a sword" against his enemies and referred to the death of his father as an "earthquake shock".[27] In the wake of Nur ad-Din's death, Saladin was tempted to annex Syria before it could possibly fall into the hands of a rival, but he feared that attacking a land that formerly belonged to his master —forbidden in the Islamic principles in which he believed— could portray him as hypocritical, thus making him unsuitable for leading the war against the Crusaders.[28]
As-Salih took refuge in Aleppo in August 1174, which he ruled until 1181, when he died of illness and was replaced by his cousin Imad al-Din Zengi II. Gumushtigin, the emir of the city and a captain of Nur ad-Din's veterans assumed guardianship over him. The emir Gumushtigin prepared to unseat all his rivals in Syria and the Jazira, beginning with Damascus. In this emergency, the emir of Damascus appealed to Saif ad-Din of Mosul (a cousin of Gumushtigin) for assistance against Aleppo, but he refused, forcing the Syrians to request the aid of Saladin, who complied.[29] Saladin rode across the desert with 700 picked horsemen, passing through al-Kerak then reaching Bosra. According to his own account, he was joined by "emirs, soldiers, and Bedouins—the emotions of their hearts to be seen on their faces."[30] On 23 November, he arrived in Damascus amid general acclamation and rested at his father's old home there, until the gates of the Citadel of Damascus,[29] whose commander Raihan initially refused to surrender, were opened to Saladin four days later, after a brief siege by his brother Tughtakin ibn Ayyub.[31] He installed himself in the castle and received the homage and salutations of the inhabitants.[32]
Leaving his brother Tughtakin ibn Ayyub as Governor of Damascus, Saladin proceeded to reduce other cities that had belonged to Nur ad-Din, but were now practically independent. His army conquered Hama with relative ease, but avoided attacking Homs because of the strength of its citadel.[33] Saladin moved north towards Aleppo, besieging it on 30 December after Gumushtigin refused to abdicate his throne.[34] As-Salih, fearing capture by Saladin, came out of his palace and appealed to the inhabitants not to surrender him and the city to the invading force. One of Saladin's chroniclers claimed "the people came under his spell".[35]
Meanwhile, Saladin's rivals in Syria and Jazira waged a propaganda war against him, claiming he had "forgotten his own condition [servant of Nur ad-Din]" and showed no gratitude for his old master by besieging his son, rising "in rebellion against his Lord". Soon, Saladin entered Homs and captured its citadel in March 1175, after stubborn resistance from its defenders.[36]
Battle of the Horns of Hama (1175)
Coinage of Saif ad-Din (r.1170–1180), Zengid ruler of Mosul. Dated 569 H (1173–1174 CE).[37]
Saladin's successes alarmed Saif ad-Din, Zengid ruler of Mosul. As head of the Zengids, he regarded Syria and Mesopotamia as his family estate and was angered when Saladin attempted to usurp his dynasty's holdings. Saif ad-Din mustered a large army and dispatched it to Aleppo, whose defenders anxiously had awaited them. The combined forces of Mosul and Aleppo marched against Saladin in Hama. Heavily outnumbered, Saladin initially attempted to make terms with the Zengids by abandoning all conquests north of the Damascus province, but they refused, insisting he return to Egypt. Seeing that confrontation was unavoidable, Saladin prepared for battle, taking up a superior position at the Horns of Hama, hills by the gorge of the Orontes River. On 13 April 1175, the Zengid troops marched to attack his forces, but soon found themselves surrounded by Saladin's Ayyubid veterans, who crushed them. The battle ended in a decisive victory for Saladin, who pursued the Zengid fugitives to the gates of Aleppo, forcing as-Salih's advisers to recognize Saladin's control of the provinces of Damascus, Homs, and Hama, as well as a number of towns outside Aleppo such as Ma'arat al-Numan.[38]
After his victory against the Zengids, Saladin proclaimed himself king and suppressed the name of as-Salih in Friday prayers and Islamic coinage. From then on, he ordered prayers in all the mosques of Syria and Egypt as the sovereign king and he issued at the Cairo mint gold coins bearing his official title —al-Malik an-Nasir Yusuf Ayyub, ala ghaya "the King Strong to Aid, Joseph son of Job; exalted be the standard." The Abbasid caliph in Baghdad graciously welcomed Saladin's assumption of power and declared him "Sultan of Egypt and Syria". The Battle of Hama did not end the contest for power between the Ayyubids and the Zengids, with the final confrontation occurring in the spring of 1176. Saladin had gathered massive reinforcements from Egypt while Saif ad-Din was levying troops among the minor states of Diyarbakir and al-Jazira.[39] When Saladin crossed the Orontes, leaving Hama, the sun was eclipsed. He viewed this as an omen, but he continued his march north. He reached the Sultan's Mound, roughly 25 km (16 mi) from Aleppo, where his forces encountered Saif ad-Din's army. A hand-to-hand fight ensued and the Zengids managed to plough Saladin's left-wing, driving it before him when Saladin himself charged at the head of the Zengid guard. The Zengid forces panicked and most of Saif ad-Din's officers ended up being killed or captured—Saif ad-Din narrowly escaped. The Zengid army's camp, horses, baggage, tents, and stores were seized by the Ayyubids. The Zengid prisoners of war, however, were given gifts and freed. All of the booty from the Ayyubid victory was accorded to the army, Saladin not keeping anything himself.[40]
Saladin continued towards Aleppo, which still closed its gates to him, halting before the city. On the way, his army took Buza'a and then captured Manbij. From there, they headed west to besiege the fortress of A'zaz on 15 May.[41] A'zaz capitulated on 21 June 1176, and Saladin then hurried his forces to Aleppo to punish Gumushtigin. His assaults were again resisted, but he managed to secure not only a truce, but a mutual alliance with Aleppo, in which Gumushtigin and as-Salih were allowed to continue their hold on the city, and in return, they recognized Saladin as the sovereign over all of the dominions he conquered. The Artuqidemirs of Mardin and Keyfa, the Muslim allies of Aleppo, also recognised Saladin as the King of Syria. When the treaty was concluded, the younger sister of as-Salih came to Saladin and requested the return of the Fortress of A'zaz; he complied and escorted her back to the gates of Aleppo with numerous presents.[41]
The Zengis ruler As-Salih Ismail al-Malik continued to rule Aleppo as a vassal of Saladin until 1181, when he died of illness and was replaced by his cousin Imad al-Din Zengi II.
Loss of Jazira to Saladin (1182)
Coinage of Izz ad-Din Mas'ud, Zengid ruler of Mosul, with crowned Turkic figure holding a moon symbol. Mosul mint, dated 1189-90. The reverse mentions the name and titles of the Abbasid caliph and Abbasid heir presumptive in five lines, and the name and titles of the Ayyubid overlord Saladin, and 'Izz al-Din Mas'ud.[42]
The Zengid ruler Sayf al-Din Ghazi II died in June 1181 and his brother Izz ad-Din inherited the leadership of Mosul.[43] On 4 December, the crown prince of the Zengids, as-Salih, died in Aleppo. Prior to his death, he had his chief officers swear an oath of loyalty to Izz ad-Din, as he was the only Zengid ruler strong enough to oppose Saladin. Izz ad-Din was welcomed in Aleppo, but possessing it and Mosul put too great of a strain on his abilities. He thus, handed Aleppo to his brother Imad ad-Din Zangi, in exchange for Sinjar. Saladin offered no opposition to these transactions in order to respect the treaty he previously made with the Zengids.[44]
Following the Zengid defeat at Hama, and the continuing lack any unifying figure in the mould of Nur ad-Din, Kukbary (Muzaffar ad-Din Gökböri), the Zengid ruler of Harran, realised that Zengid power was on the wane in Syria and the Jazira and he made the momentous decision to defect to Saladin in 1182. He invited Saladin to occupy the Jazira region, making up northern Mesopotamia. Saladin complied and the truce between him and the Zengids officially ended in September 1182.[45] Prior to his march to Jazira, tensions had grown between the Zengid rulers of the region, primarily concerning their unwillingness to pay deference to Mosul.[46] Before he crossed the Euphrates, Saladin besieged Aleppo for three days, signaling that the truce was over.[45]
Once Saladin reached Bira, near the river, he was joined by Kukbary and Nur ad-Din of Hisn Kayfa and the combined forces captured the cities of Jazira, one after the other. First, Edessa fell, followed by Saruj, then Raqqa, Qirqesiya and Nusaybin.[47] Raqqa was an important crossing point and held by Qutb ad-Din Inal, who had lost Manbij to Saladin in 1176. Upon seeing the large size of Saladin's army, he made little effort to resist and surrendered on the condition that he would retain his property. From Raqqa, Saladin moved to conquer al-Fudain, al-Husain, Maksim, Durain, 'Araban, and Khabur—all of which swore allegiance to him.[48]
Saladin proceeded to take Nusaybin which offered no resistance. A medium-sized town, Nusaybin was not of great importance, but it was located in a strategic position between Mardin and Mosul and within easy reach of Diyarbakir.[49] Meanwhile, in Aleppo, the emir of the city Zangi raided Saladin's cities to the north and east, such as Balis, Manbij, Saruj, Buza'a, al-Karzain. He also destroyed his own citadel at A'zaz to prevent it from being used by the Ayyubids if they were to conquer it.[49]
Battle for Mosul (1182–1183)
Northern Mesopotamian illustrative art at the time of the rivalry between Ayyubids and Zengids: the Palmer Cup (1200-1215).[50] The ruler and attendants are similar to those found in the manuscript Kitab al-Dariyaq or metalworks from the Mosul or North Jazira area. They wear Seljuk-type clothes,[51] together with the typical sharbush headgear.[52][53]
As Saladin approached Mosul, he faced the issue of taking over a large city and justifying the action.[54] The Zengids of Mosul appealed to an-Nasir, the Abbasid caliph at Baghdad whose vizier favored them. An-Nasir sent Badr al-Badr (a high-ranking religious figure) to mediate between the two sides. Saladin arrived at the city on 10 November 1182. Izz ad-Din would not accept his terms because he considered them disingenuous and extensive, and Saladin immediately laid siege to the heavily fortified city.[55]
After several minor skirmishes and a stalemate in the siege that was initiated by the caliph, Saladin intended to find a way to withdraw without damage to his reputation while still keeping up some military pressure. He decided to attack Sinjar, which was held by Izz ad-Din's brother Sharaf ad-Din. It fell after a 15-day siege on 30 December.[56] Saladin's soldiers broke their discipline, plundering the city; Saladin managed to protect the governor and his officers only by sending them to Mosul. After establishing a garrison at Sinjar, he awaited a coalition assembled by Izz ad-Din consisting of his forces, those from Aleppo, Mardin, and Armenia.[57] Saladin and his army met the coalition at Harran in February 1183, but on hearing of his approach, the latter sent messengers to Saladin asking for peace. Each force returned to their cities and al-Fadil wrote: "They [Izz ad-Din's coalition] advanced like men, like women they vanished."[58]
Detail of inlaid brass writing box, showing soldier wearing a mail hauberk. Mosul, 1230–1250 CE, British Museum.[59][60]
From the point of view of Saladin, in terms of territory, the war against Mosul was going well, but he still failed to achieve his objectives and his army was shrinking; Taqi ad-Din took his men back to Hama, while Nasir ad-Din Muhammad and his forces had left. This encouraged Izz ad-Din and his allies to take the offensive. The previous coalition regrouped at Harzam some 140 km from Harran. In early April, without waiting for Nasir ad-Din, Saladin and Taqi ad-Din commenced their advance against the coalition, marching eastward to Ras al-Ein unhindered.[61] By late April, after three days of "actual fighting", according to Saladin, the Ayyubids had captured Amid. He handed the city to Nur ad-Din Muhammad together with its stores, which consisted of 80,000 candles, a tower full of arrowheads, and 1,040,000 books. In return for a diploma—granting him the city, Nur ad-Din swore allegiance to Saladin, promising to follow him in every expedition in the war against the Crusaders, and repairing the damage done to the city. The fall of Amid, in addition to territory, convinced Il-Ghazi of Mardin to enter the service of Saladin, weakening Izz ad-Din's coalition.[62]
Saladin attempted to gain the Caliph an-Nasir's support against Izz ad-Din by sending him a letter requesting a document that would give him legal justification for taking over Mosul and its territories. Saladin aimed to persuade the caliph claiming that while he conquered Egypt and Yemen under the flag of the Abbasids, the Zengids of Mosul openly supported the Seljuks (rivals of the caliphate) and only came to the Caliph when in need. He also accused Izz ad-Din's forces of disrupting the Muslim "Holy War" against the Crusaders, stating "they are not content not to fight, but they prevent those who can". Saladin defended his own conduct claiming that he had come to Syria to fight the Crusaders, end the heresy of the Assassins, and stop the wrong-doing of the Muslims. He also promised that if Mosul was given to him, it would lead to the capture of Jerusalem, Constantinople, Georgia, and the lands of the Almohads in the Maghreb, "until the word of God is supreme and the Abbasid caliphate has wiped the world clean, turning the churches into mosques". Saladin stressed that all this would happen by the will of God, and instead of asking for financial or military support from the Caliph, he would capture and give the Caliph the territories of Tikrit, Daquq, Khuzestan, Kish Island, and Oman.[63]
Fall of Zengid Aleppo (1183)
Coinage of "Zangi", emir of Aleppo (Imad ad-Din Zengi II). Dated AH 583 (1187-88 CE). Double headed eagle with the name and titles of the Abbasid caliph al Nasir on breast; mint and date around / Four line legend citing Zengi; tamghas at sides.[64]
Saladin turned his attention from Mosul to Aleppo, sending his brother Taj al-Muluk Buri to capture Tell Khalid, 130 km northeast of Aleppo. A siege was set, but the governor of Tell Khalid surrendered upon the arrival of Saladin himself on 17 May before a siege could take place. According to Imad ad-Din, after Tell Khalid, Saladin took a detour northwards to Aintab, but he gained possession of it when his army turned towards it, allowing him to quickly move backward another c. 100 km towards Aleppo. On 21 May, he camped outside the city, positioning himself east of the Citadel of Aleppo, while his forces encircled the suburb of Banaqusa to the northeast and Bab Janan to the west. He stationed his men dangerously close to the city, hoping for an early success.[65]
Zangi did not offer long resistance. He was unpopular with his subjects and wished to return to his Sinjar, the city he governed previously. An exchange was negotiated where Zangi would hand over Aleppo to Saladin in return for the restoration of his control of Sinjar, Nusaybin, and Raqqa. Zangi would hold these territories as Saladin's vassals in terms of military service. On 12 June, Aleppo was formally placed in Ayyubid hands.[66] The people of Aleppo had not known about these negotiations and were taken by surprise when Saladin's standard was hoisted over the citadel. Two emirs, including an old friend of Saladin, Izz ad-Din Jurduk, welcomed and pledged their service to him. Saladin replaced the Hanafi courts with Shafi'i administration, despite a promise that he would not interfere in the religious leadership of the city. Although he was short of money, Saladin also allowed the departing Zangi to take all the stores of the citadel that he could travel with and to sell the remainder—which Saladin purchased himself. In spite of his earlier hesitation to go through with the exchange, he had no doubts about his success, stating that Aleppo was "the key to the lands" and "this city is the eye of Syria and the citadel is its pupil".[67] For Saladin, the capture of the city marked the end of over eight years of waiting since he told Farrukh-Shah that "we have only to do the milking and Aleppo will be ours".[68]
Final decline (1183–1250)
Turk seated facing with legs crossed, holding sword and crowned severed head, with legend to left "Nur al-Din Atabeg" (نور الدين اتا / بك), probably Nur al-Din Arslan Shah I. Coinage of Husam al-Din Yuluq Arslan, dated AH 596 (1199–1200 CE).[69][70]
Saladin conquered Aleppo in 1183, ending Zengid rule in Syria. Saladin launched his last offensive against Mosul in late 1185, hoping for an easy victory over the presumably demoralized Zengid Emir of Mosul Mas'ud, but failed due to the city's unexpectedly stiff resistance and a serious illness which caused Saladin to withdraw to Harran. Upon Abbasid encouragement, Saladin and Mas'ud negotiated a treaty in March 1186 that left the Zengids in control of Mosul, but under the obligation to supply the Ayyubids with military support when requested.[71][72]
In 1204, Saladin's brother and successor, the Ayyubid ruler Al-Adil I, dispatched an army under the leadership of his own son al-Ashraf of Harran, accompanied by his brother Al-Awhad Ayyub, to relieve the Zengid emir of Sinjar, Qutb al-Din, from an assault by his cousin Nur ad-Din Arslan Shah I of Mosul, the chief Zengid emir. In April 1204 the Ayyubid coalition swiftly defeated Nur ad-Din's forces at Nusaybin, chasing them back to Mosul where they attacked several of the surrounding villages. By September the Ayyubids had established a peace with Nur ad-Din.[73]
The Zengids and main contemporary polities in continental Asia c. 1205
Al-Adil I again attempted to annex the Zengid states in 1209, and besieged Sinjar. The Zengid ruler of Mosul Nur al-Din Arslan Shah I allied with Muzzafar al-Din Kukburi, ruler of Erbil, and resisted the Ayyubid offensive. They reached a truce, according to which al-Adid could retain the lands he conquered in Sinjar (thereafter ruled by the "Ayyubids of Mayyafariqin & Jabal Sinjar", the sons of al-Adid al-Ashraf and Al-Awhad Ayyub), and Arslan Shah would recognize Ayyubid suzerainty on his coinage.[75] As Arslan Shah's health was declining, and his sons were still young, he chose his Commander of the Army Badr al-Din Lu'lu' as protector of his sons and promoted him to atabeg upon his death in 1211.[75] The son and two grandsons of Arslan Shah continued to rule as children in Northern Iraq as Emirs of Mosul and Sinjar until 1234, when Badr al-Din Lu'lu' formally took over, possibly after assassinating the last Zengid Emir of Mosul Nasir ad-Din Mahmud.[75] He ruled in his own name from 1234 until his death in 1259, accepting Mongol suzerainty after 1243.[75][76]
Northern Iraq (al-Jazira region), continued to be under Zengid rule until 1250, with its last Emir Mahmud al-Malik al-Zahir (1241–1250, son of Mu'izz al-Din Mahmud). In 1250, al-Jazira fell under the domination of An-Nasir Yusuf, the Ayyubid emir of Aleppo, marking the end of Zengid rule.
The next period would be marked by the arrival of the Mongols: in 1262 Mosul was sacked by the Mongols of Hulagu, following a siege of almost a year, which put an end to the short rule of the sons of Badr al-Din Lu'lu'.
The military of the Zengids, like that of the other Atabegates, continued the traditions of the Seljuk Empire.[77] Professional Askar and Ghulam troops were combined with mercenaries and auxiliary Turcoman & Kurdish tribal elements.[77][78][79] The best description of these troops appears in the mid-13th century Warqa wa Gulshah, where numerous weapons are depicted, such as javelins, spears, swords, bows, maces and lassos.[77] The protective equipment can be quite heavy, including helmets and hauberk.[77] Bows and arrows were used extensively, and dense volleys could pierce armour or even stop a Crusader charge on occasion.[77] Against regular armies, Turcoman harassment techniques were extensively used.[77]
The Zengids in particular played a major military role against Crusaders, led by such major military figures as Imad al-Din Zengi or Nur al-Din Zengi.[77] Nur al-Din's army mainly consisted in Turcoman horse archers and Kurd spear-armed horsemen, in addition to professional ghulams, and Bedouin auxiliary cavalry, as well as large infantry elements.[77] They were also skilled in siege warfare.[77] Numbers were not very large, the ruler's askar troops numbering from 1,000 to 3,000, to which were added auxiliary troops numbering from 10,000 to 15,000.[77] The Zengid model was also used by Saladin and his successors.[77]
The Blacas ewer, made by Shuja' ibn Man'a in Mosul in 1232, is one of the most famous brass pieces from Mosul.
In the 13th century, Mosul had a flourishing industry making luxury brass items that were ornately inlaid with silver.[80]: 283–6 Many of these items survive today; in fact, of all medieval Islamic artifacts, Mosul brasswork has the most epigraphic inscriptions.[81]: 12 However, the only reference to this industry in contemporary sources is the account of Ibn Sa'id, an Andalusian geographer who traveled through the region around 1250.[80]: 283–4 He wrote that "there are many crafts in the city, especially inlaid brass vessels which are exported (and presented) to rulers".[80]: 284 These were expensive items that only the wealthiest could afford, and it wasn't until the early 1200s that Mosul had the demand for large-scale production of them.[80]: 285 Mosul was then a wealthy, prosperous capital city, first for the Zengids and then for Badr al-Din Lu'lu'.[80]: 285
The origins of Mosul's inlaid brasswork industry are uncertain.[81]: 52 The city had an iron industry in the late 10th century, when al-Muqaddasi recorded that it exported iron and iron goods like buckets, knives and chains.[81]: 52 However, no surviving metal objects from Mosul are known before the early 13th century.[81]: 52 Inlaid metalworking in the Islamic world was first developed in Khurasan in the 12th century by silversmiths facing a shortage of silver.[81]: 52–3 By the mid-12th century, Herat in particular had gained a reputation for its high-quality inlaid metalwork.[81]: 53 The practice of inlaying "required relatively few tools" and the technique spread westward, perhaps by Khurasani artisans moving to other cities.[81]: 53
Regnal scene on the Blacas ewer, 1232, Mosul, Zengid dynasty.[17]
By the turn of the 13th century, the silver-inlaid-brass technique had reached Mosul.[81]: 53 A pair of engraved brass flabella found in Egypt and possibly made in Mosul are dated by a Syriac inscription to the year 1202, which would make them the earliest known Mosul brasses with a definite date (although they are not inlaid with anything).[81]: 49–50 One extant item may be even older: an inlaid ewer by the master craftsman Ibrahim ibn Mawaliya is of an unknown date, but D.S. Rice estimated that it was made around 1200.[81]: 53 Production of inlaid brasswork in Mosul may have already begun before the turn of the century.[81]: 53–4
The body of Mosul metalwork significantly expands in the 1220s - several signed and dated items are known from this decade, which according to Julian Raby "probably reflects the craft's growing status and production."[81]: 54 In the two decades from roughly 1220 to 1240, the Mosul brass industry saw "rapid innovations in technique, decoration, and composition".[81]: 54 Artisans were inspired by miniature paintings produced in the Mosul area.[81]: 54
Mosul seems to have become predominant among Muslim centers of metalwork in the early 13th century.[81]: 53 Evidence is partial and indirect - relatively few objects which directly state where they were made exist, and in the rest of cases it depends on nisbahs.[81]: 53 However, al-Mawsili is by far the most common nisbah; only two others are attested: al-Is'irdi (referring to someone from Siirt) and al-Baghdadi.[81]: 53 There are, however, some scientific instruments inlaid with silver that were made in Syria during this period, with the earliest being 1222/3 (619 AH).[81]: 53
Instability after the death of Badr al-Din Lu'lu' in 1259, and especially the Mongol siege and capture of Mosul in July 1262, probably caused a decline in Mosul's metalworking industry.[81]: 54 There is a relative lack of known metalwork from the Jazira in the late 1200s; meanwhile, an abundance of metalwork from Mamluk Syria and Egypt is attested from this same period.[81]: 54 This doesn't necessarily mean that production in Mosul ended, though, and some extant objects from this period may have been made in Mosul.[81]: 54–5
The area including Syria, Jazira and Iraq saw an "explosion of figural art" from the 12th to 13th centuries, particularly in the areas of decorative art and illustrated manuscripts.[82][83] This occurred despite religious condemnations against the depiction of living creatures, on the grounds that "it implies a likeness to the creative activity of God".[82]
The origins of this new pictorial tradition are uncertain, but Arabic illustrated manuscripts such as the Maqamat al-Hariri shared many characteristics with Christian Syriac illustrated manuscripts, such as Syriac Gospels (British Library, Add. 7170).[84] This synthesis seems to point to a common pictorial tradition that existed since circa 1180 CE in the region, which was highly influenced by Byzantine art.[84][85]
The manuscript Kitâb al-Diryâq (Arabic: كتاب الدرياق, romanized: Kitāb al-diryāq, "The Book of Theriac"), or Book of anditodes of pseudo-Galen, is a medieval manuscript allegedly based on the writings of Galen ("pseudo-Galen"). It describes the use of Theriac, an ancient medicinal compound initially used as a cure for the bites of poisonous snakes. Two editions are extant, adorned with beautiful miniatures revealing of the social context at the time of their publication.[86] The earliest manuscript was published in 1198–1199 CE in Mosul or the Jazira region, and is now in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (MS. Arabe 2964).[86][87]
The Kitab al-Aghani was created in 1218–1219 in Mosul at the time of the Zengid atabegate of Badr al-Din Lu'lu' (40 years old at the time), and has several frontispieces richly illustrated with court scenes.[26]
The Zengids are known for numerous constructions from Syria to northern Iraq. The Citadel of Aleppo was fortified by the Zengids during the Crusades. Imad ad-Din Zengi, followed by his son Nur ad-Din (ruled 1147–1174), unified Aleppo and Damascus and held back the Crusaders from their repeated assaults on the cities. In addition to his many works in both Aleppo and Damascus, Nur ad-Din rebuilt the Aleppo city walls and fortified the citadel. Arab sources report that he also made several other improvements, such as a high, brick-walled entrance ramp, a palace, and a racecourse likely covered with grass. Nur ad-Din additionally restored or rebuilt the two mosques and donated an elaborate wooden mihrab (prayer niche) to the Mosque of Abraham. Several famous crusaders were imprisoned in the citadel, among them Count of Edessa, Joscelin II, who died there, Raynald of Châtillon, and the King of Jerusalem, Baldwin II, who was held for two years.[92]
Christianity in the Middle East continued to suffer a general decline within a context of Arabization and Islamization, as well as the conflict of the Crusades.[99] Still, Syriac Christianity remained active under the Zengids, and even went through a phase of "Syriac Renaissance" in which discriminatory rules against Christians were lifted, especially after the death of the conservative Nur al-Din Zengi in 1174.[99] Several important Christian manuscripts were created in Mosul during the late Zengid period, especially under the atabagate of Badr al-Din Lu'lu' (1211–1234), and later during his independent reign (1234–1259).[100] One of them, the Jacobite-Syrian Lectionary of the Gospels, was created at the Mar Mattai Monastery 20 kilometers northeast of the city of Mosul, c.1220 (Vatican Library, Ms. Syr. 559).[101] This Gospel, with its depiction of many military figures in armour, is considered as a useful reference of the military technologies of classical Islam during the period.[102] Another such gospel is Ms. Additional 7170, British Library, also created circa 1220 in the Mosul region.[100]
Jalal al-Din Mahmud (co-ruler), son of Qutb ad-Din Muhammad, 1219–1220
Fath al-Din Umar (co-ruler), son of Qutb ad-Din Muhammad, 1219–1220.
Sinjar was taken by the Ayyubids in 1182,[105] and ruled by al-Ashraf Musa in 1220, Ayyubid emir of Diyar Bakr. It later came under the control of Badr al-Din Lu'lu', ruler of Mosul beginning in 1234.
Supposed flag of Saladin, inherited from the Zengids.[107]
The flag of Saladin (yellow, emblazed with an eagle) was apparently inherited from the Zengids.[107] The color yellow especially, remained a symbolical color for the rulers of the Ayyubids and the Mamluks.[107]
^ALPTEKIN, COJKUN (1972). The Reign of Zangi(PDF). University of London. pp. 38–44.
^Küçüksipahioğlu, Birsel (30 June 2020). "Musul ve Halep Valisi İmâdeddin Zengi'nin Haçlılarla Mücadelesi". Journal of Oriental Studies (36): 104. doi:10.26650/jos.2020.005. Staying in Mosul until the death of Sultān Muhammad Tapar in 1118, Zangi then entered the service of the Sultān's son and the new Seljuk ruler Mahmūd (1118-1119), remaining loyal to him to the end. With the new era introduced with the defeat of Sultān Mahmūd in the Sāveh battle he engaged his uncle Sanjar in 1119, which opened the way for Sanjar (1119-1157) to accede to the throne of Great Seljuk Empire, Mahmūd was assigned to the Iraqi Seljuk Sultānate (1119-1131), continuing his rule there. In 1124, Sultān Mahmūd granted the city of Wasit to Imad al-Din Zangi as a ıqta, and conferred him the Military Governorship of Basra together with Baghdad and Iraq in 1127. The reason behind such assignments was to attempt to impede Abbasid Caliph al-Mustarshid (1118-1135) who then wished to build a worldwide dominance. Indeed, the efforts of Zangi in the fight of Mahmūd, whom Sanjar urgently sent to Baghdad, against the Caliph ensured the Sultān became victorious, and he contributed to the efforts in damaging the sole authority and dominance claims of the Caliph. Following the deaths of Mosul Governor Aq-Sunqur el-Porsuqi and his successor and son Mas'ud in the same year in 1127, Zangi was appointed Governor of Mosul. He was also in charge of al-Jazeera and Northern Syria, and Sultān Mahmūd approved him being assigned as the Atabeg of his two sons, Farrukh shah and Alparsalan. Thus the Atabegdom of Mosul was formed.
^Bosworth, C. E. (1 June 2019). The New Islamic Dynasties: A Chronological and Genealogical Manual. Edinburgh University Press. pp. 195–196. doi:10.1515/9781474464628. ISBN978-1-4744-6462-8. The rise of the Zangids halted the Artuqids' expansionist plans, and they had to become vassals of Nur al-Din. Then the Ayyubids whittled their power down further, and they lost Hisn Kayfa, Amid and Mayyafariqin to them. In the early thirteenth century, they were for a time vassals of the Rum Seljuqs and of the Khwarazm Shah Jalal al-Dln Mengiibirti. Eventually, only the Mardln line survived, with Qara Arslan submitting to the Mongol II Khan Hulegu.
^Behrens-Abouseif, Doris (1 January 2024). "Chapter 12: Mamluk Dress between Text and Image". Dress and Dress Code in Medieval Cairo: A Mamluk Obsession. pp. 172–173. doi:10.1163/9789004684980_013. ISBN9789004684980.
^Contadini, Anna (2017). Text and Image on Middle Eastern Objects: The Palmer Cup in Context (in A Rothschild Renaissance: A New Look at the Waddesdon Bequest in the British Museum). British Museum Research Publications. p. 130. The iconography of its figures is very similar to that on the Palmer Cup, in the design of their robes, in the headgear (sharbūsh) and in the way that walking figures are rendered, with one leg straight and the other slightly bent, with a slim foot slightly raised from the ground. Although the candlestick does not have a date, it is securely datable to the early 13th century, as it clearly belongs to a group of metalwork that has now been established as of that period and coming from the Mosul or North Jaziran area. These elements also confirm the early 13th-century date of the Palmer Cup and further support the region of provenance.
^Spengler, William F.; Sayles, Wayne G. (1992). Turkoman Figural Bronze Coins and Their Iconography: The Artuquids. Clio's Cabinet. p. 113. ISBN978-1-879080-02-7. But who was the "Nur al - Din Atabeg" featured on the obverse side of most coins of this type , and why was he also recognized? He is not further identified on the coins , but the most logical candidate would appear to be Nur al - Din Arslan Shah I , the Zengid Atabeg of Mosul ( 589-607 / 1193-1210 ) , the only atabeg with the laqab Nur al - Din known to have been active at that time . This identification was first advanced by Mitchiner in 1977 and was repeated by Hennequin in the Paris catalog.
^Humphreys, Stephen (14 October 2004). Luscombe, David; Riley-Smith, Jonathan (eds.). The New Cambridge Medieval History. Cambridge University Press. p. 744. doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521414111. ISBN978-1-139-05403-4. Two sieges of Mosul (1182, 1185) failed, and Saladin had to be content with Izz al-Din's promise to send troops for the war against the infidels upon demand. Though reduced almost to a client-state, Mosul remained a Zengid city, due both to Izz al-Din Masud's stubborn resistance and to a near fatal illness in autumn 1185 which forced Saladin to break off his campaign. However, after twelve years of unremitting struggle, Saladin had fulfilled his ambition to reconstitute Nur al-Din's empire.
^Pubblici, Lorenzo (2021). Mongol Caucasia. Invasions, conquest, and government of a frontier region in thirteenth-century Eurasia (1204-1295). Brill. p. 145. ISBN978-90-04-50355-7. 1243 (...) With much astuteness, Hethum I, who did not wait for the Mongols' arrival, immediately declared himself to be the subject and vassal of the noyons of Ögedei. He entered under Mongol protection and managed to exercise his sovereignty precisely as he had done until then and paid tribute to the Mongols. A similar strategy was followed by the atabeg of Mosul, who willingly accepted Mongol protection and spared the lives of its people.
^ abGeorge, Alain (February 2012). "Orality, Writing and the Image in the Maqamat : Arabic Illustrated Books in Context". Art History. 35 (1): 10–37. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8365.2011.00881.x. The Islamic world witnessed, in the twelfth to thirteenth centuries, an explosion of figural art. (...) The making of it is forbidden under every circumstance, because it implies a likeness to the creative activity of God
^Snelders, Bas (2010b). Identity and Christian-Muslim Interaction: Medieval Art of the Syrian Orthodox from the Mosul Area. Peeters. pp. Extract. ISBN978-90-429-2386-7. Mosul appears to have been one of the main centres of illustrated manuscript production in the Middle East during the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries,252 alongside other major cities such as Baghdad, Damascus, and Cairo. A volume of al-Sufi's Kitab Suwar al-Kawakib alThabita ('Treatise on the Constellations'), copied by a certain Farah ibn cAbd Allah alHabashi, was produced in Mosul in 1233. Manuscripts ascribed to the city, or to the Jazira more broadly, include two copies of the Kitab al-Diryaq ('Book of the Theriac', usually called 'Book of Antidotes'), a medical treatise on antidotes used as a remedy against snake venom. Badr al-Din Lu'lu', who is known to have commissioned several literary texts, may also have been actively engaged in sponsoring manuscript illuminations. It is commonly assumed that an originally 20-volume set of the Kitab al-Aghani ('Book of Songs') was made for Lu'lu' in the period between 1217 and 1219. Some of the frontispieces depict a ruler wearing an armband that is inscribed with his name.
^Shahbazi, Shapur (30 August 2020). "CLOTHING". Encyclopaedia Iranica Online. Brill. That these patterns do not merely represent ceramic conventions is clear from the rendering of garments in fragmentary wall paintings and in illustrations from the copy of Varqa wa Golšāh already mentioned, as well as in frontispieces to the volumes of Abu'l-Faraj Eṣfahānī's Ketāb al-aḡānī dated 614-16/1217-19 and to two copies of Ketāb al-deryāq (Book of antidotes) by Pseudo-Galen, dated 596/1199 and ascribed to the second quarter of the 7th/13th century respectively (Survey of Persian Art V, pl. 554A-B; Ateş, pls. 1/3, 6/16, 18; D. S. Rice, 1953, figs. 14-19; Ettinghausen, 1962, pp. 65, 85, 91). The last three manuscripts, all of them attributed to northern Mesopotamia, show that the stiff coat with diagonal closing and arm bands was also worn in that region from the end of the 6th/12th century.
^Shahbazi, Shapur (30 August 2020). "CLOTHING". Encyclopaedia Iranica Online. Brill. Nevertheless, the most distinctive feature of late Saljuq and post-Saljuq male dress was the popularity of patterned textiles for these garments. (...) That these patterns do not merely represent ceramic conventions is clear from the rendering of garments in fragmentary wall paintings and in illustrations from the copy of Varqa wa Golšāh already mentioned, as well as in frontispieces to the volumes of Abu'l-Faraj Eṣfahānī's Ketāb al-aḡānī dated 614-16/1217-19 and to two copies of Ketāb al-deryāq (Book of antidotes) by Pseudo-Galen, dated 596/1199 and ascribed to the second quarter of the 7th/13th century respectively (Survey of Persian Art V, pl. 554A-B; Ateş, pls. 1/3, 6/16, 18; D. S. Rice, 1953, figs. 14-19; Ettinghausen, 1962, pp. 65, 85, 91). The last three manuscripts, all of them attributed to northern Mesopotamia, show that the stiff coat with diagonal closing and arm bands was also worn in that region from the end of the 6th/12th century.
^Contadini, Anna (2012). A world of beasts: a thirteenth-century illustrated Arabic book on animals (the Kitāb Na't al-Ḥayawān) in the Ibn Bakhtīshū' tradition. Leiden Boston: Brill. p. 127, Fig.65 b. ISBN978-90-04-20100-2. P.126: "Official" Turkish figures wear a standard combination of a sharbūsh, a three-quarters length robe, and boots. Arab figures, in contrast, have different headgear (usually a turban), a robe that is either full-length or, if three-quarters length, has baggy trousers below, and they usually wear flat shoes or (...) go barefoot (...) P.127: Reference has already been made to the combination of boots and sharbūsh as markers of official status (...) the combination is standard, even being reflected in thirteenth-century Coptic paintings, and serves to distinguish, in Grabar's formulation, the world of the Turkish ruler and that of the Arab. (...) The type worn by the official figures in the 1237 Maqāmāt, depicted, for example, on fol. 59r,67 consists of a gold cap surmounted by a little round top and with fur trimming creating a triangular area at the front which either shows the gold cap or is a separate plaque. A particular imposing example in this manuscript is the massive sharbūsh with much more fur than usual that is worn by the princely official on the right frontispiece on fol. 1v. (...) These are of yet another type and are identical to those on the official on the left holding a spear in the painting of the "Purple Betony" in the 1224 Dioscorides (Fig. 65b)
^Nicolle, David (30 April 2014). "The Zangid bridge of Ǧazīrat ibn ʿUmar (ʿAyn Dīwār/Cizre): a New Look at the carved panel of an armoured horseman". Bulletin d'études orientales (in French) (62): 223–264. doi:10.4000/beo.1404. ISSN0253-1623. Contrary to information still found in some non-academic publications, the bridge which either spanned or was intended to span the river Tigris a few kilometers downstream from what is now the Turkish frontier town of Cizre is not a Roman construction. Nor is there real evidence that any pre-Islamic bridge was ever built at this location. Arabic historical sources make clear that the existing, largely ruined or perhaps never completed bridge dates from between 541 AH (1146/7 AD) and 559 AH (1163/4 AD) 1163 AD. It was constructed on the orders of, or sponsored by Ǧamāl al-Dīn Muḥammad al-Iṣfahānī Ibn ʿAlī Ibn Abī Manṣūr, the wazīr or chief minister of Quṭb al-Dīn Mawdūd Ibn Zangī, the Zangid ruler of Mosul.
^ abSnelder, B. (2010). Identity and Christian-Muslim interaction : medieval art of the Syrian Orthodox from the Mosul area. Leiden University. p. Chapter 2. "5 A change for the better came with the death of Nur al-Din Zangi in 1174. In the case of Mosul, the conservative regime established there by Nur al-Din quickly collapsed and was eventually replaced by a more liberal and tolerant administration, which revoked the discriminatory measures against Christians." (...) "Despite the progressing Arabization and Islamization of all levels of Middle Eastern society, and the internal struggles for ecclesiastical power outlined above, the Syrian Orthodox Church, as an ecclesiastical organization, continued to grow under Muslim rule" (...) "Under Badr al-Din Lu'lu' (1211-1259), who was a remarkably tolerant and even-handed ruler, the local Christians regained much of their confidence and were even able to partake fully in what in hindsight proved to be Mosul's golden age. The same holds true for the Eastern Christian communities living in Syria under either Frankish or Ayyubid rule, especially during the relatively peaceful period which started around 1204, when a truce was signed between the Franks and the Ayyubids, and which lasted to the Mongol invasion of 1260".
^ abcSnelders, Bas (2010). Identity and Christian-Muslim Interaction: Medieval Art of the Syrian Orthodox from the Mosul Area. Peeters. pp. Extract. ISBN978-90-429-2386-7. Patton argues that in addition to Badr al-Din Lu'lu''s ordering and sponsoring the foundation of numerous social and religious institutions in Mosul, his energetic patronage of the arts was probably part of a conscious policy aimed at securing the loyalty of the city's population and ensuring that they would not turn their backs on him in favour of one of his opponents. This egalitarian treatment of the Muslim Sunnis and Shiis should certainly beseen in this light, but also his comparatively tolerant attitude towards Mosul's large Christian community. As Patton argues, 'Lu'lu''s skill at maintaining the support of all groups while especially favouring none is a remarkable achievement which explains not only the duration of his reign, but probably the great efflorescence of the arts in his reign as well. After the death of Badr al-Din Lu'lu' in 1259, however, the prosperous period and cultural bloom in the Mosul area soon came to an end.
^Eastmond, Antony (2017). Tamta's World: The Life and Encounters of a Medieval Noblewoman from the Middle East to Mongolia. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781316711774. ISBN9781316711774.
^ abcHathaway, Jane (1 February 2012). A Tale of Two Factions: Myth, Memory, and Identity in Ottoman Egypt and Yemen. State University of New York Press. p. 97. ISBN978-0-7914-8610-8. The Ayyubids and Mamluks, who succeeded the Fatimids in Egypt and Syria, retained the association of yellow with the ruler. Salah al-Din (Saladin), the founder of the Ayyubid dynasty, carried a yellow flag emblazoned with an eagle, supposedly inherited from the Zangid dynasty, whose protégé he had been. Yellow was likewise the Mamluk sultan's official color, and Mamluk sultanic banners were yellow.
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Asbridge, Thomas (2012). The Crusades: The War for the Holy Land. Simon & Schuster.
Ayalon, David (1999). Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans: A Study in Power Relationships. Hebrew University Magnes Press.
Bosworth, C.E. (1996). The New Islamic Dynasties: A Chronological and Genealogical Manual. New York: Columbia University Press.
El-Azhari, Taef (1 August 2019). "The Seljuqs from Syria to Iran: The Age of Khatuns and Atabegs". Queens, Eunuchs and Concubines in Islamic History, 661-1257. Edinburg University Press. pp. 285–348. doi:10.3366/edinburgh/9781474423182.003.0007. ISBN978-1-4744-2318-2.
Gonella, Julia (2005). Die Zitadelle von Aleppo und der Tempel des Wettergottes. Rhema-Verlag, Münster. ISBN978-3-930454-44-0.
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![A Qur'an in the name of Zengid ruler Qutb ad-Din Muhammad (1197–1219). (Khalili QUR 497)[88]](File:Khalili_Collection_Islamic_Art_qur_0497_fol_1b-2a.jpg)
![Kitâb al-Diryâq, 1198–1199, folio 24. Royal court detail, ruler in Turkic dress, wearing the sharbush hat.[89]](File:Kitab_al-Dariyaq,_folio_24_(royal_court_detail).jpg)
![Figures in Turkic dress, with aqbiya turkiyya coat, tiraz armbands, boots and sharbush hat. Kitāb al-Diryāq, Jazira, 1198–1199 CE.[90]](File:Kitab_al-Diryaq_BNF_View_11_(detail).jpg)
![Warrior wearing the sharbush, a three-quarters length robe, and boots. De Materia Medica of Dioscorides, Iraq, 1224. Harvard Art Museums.[91]](File:Warrior_with_the_Plant_Kestron,_De_Materia_Medica_of_Dioscorides,_Iraq_1224._Harvard_Art_Museums.jpg)
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![Zengid Ain Diwar Bridge. Built under Qutb al-Din Mawdud, from 1146 to 1163 CE. Cizre.[98]](File:Remains_of_the_Tigris_bridge_near_Ayn_D%C4%ABw%C4%81r_viewed_from_downriver_a_few_years_before_the_outbreak_of_the_First_World_War,_at_a_time_when_the_Tigris_was_in_flood_(The_Gertrude_Bell_Archive,_Newcastle_University).jpg)
![Miniature of a Syriac gospel from around Mosul, c. 1220 (BL Ms. 7170). Badr al-Din Lu'lu' was tolerant of Christian religion.[100]](File:Ms._Additional_7170,_British_Library_156v_Christ_resurrected_(fine).jpg)
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