He was one of the founders and the first president of the Democratic Party of Serbia from its creation in 1992 until 19 March 2014, when he resigned as party president and retired from active politics after his party failed to reach the 5% threshold to enter the Parliament on March 16 elections for the first time in its history.[2] In October 2014, he left the party after disagreements with the new party leadership over what he saw as their abandonment of the policy of political neutrality.[3] In November 2014, he was one of the founders of the right-wing eurosceptic "Statehood Movement of Serbia".[4][5]
Early life and education
Koštunica was born on 24 March 1944 in his family home in Belgrade, Yugoslavia.[6] As a youth he went by the nickname 'Voja'.[1] He was educated in Belgrade, where he finished elementary school, and graduated from the Second Belgrade High School in 1962. Koštunica enrolled in the University of Belgrade's Faculty of Law the same year, graduating in 1966.[1] He earned his master's degree in 1970 and his Ph.D. in 1974 with his thesis "Institutionalized Opposition in the Political System of Capitalism".[1]
Koštunica was an assistant at the faculty from 1970 until 1974, when he left due to a political purge at the university for criticising the communist regime of Josip Broz Tito.[1] After his expulsion, Koštunica worked at the Institute of Social Sciences, and from 1981 at the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, where he engaged in the protection of human rights, specifically in the defence of freedom of thought and expression.[1]
Supported by both nationalists and liberals, the Democratic Opposition of Serbia backed him in the 2000 presidential election against incumbent Slobodan Milošević.[7] Koštunica received 50.2 percent of the vote in the first round of voting,[7] just a few thousand votes over the threshold needed to win outright. Milošević disputed the results of the first round, claiming that Koštunica had only received 49 percent of the vote and a runoff was required. The Otpor movement, a student-led movement to oust Milošević and install free and fair elections, organized a protest where thousands of Serbians participated in strikes and took over the Belgrade capital and forced Milošević to accept the results and step down as president.[7] Koštunica then assumed the presidency.[8] He was the last president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.[9] Koštunica opposed the extradition of his predecessor, to the Hague Tribunal, and voiced opposition to the court.[10]
Koštunica became prime minister in March 2004 at the head of the new minority government, albeit with the support of the Socialist Party of Serbia.[9]
Serbian parliamentary elections in January 2007 were inconclusive. On 15 May 2007 Koštunica agreed to form a fragile coalition government with Boris Tadić, with Koštunica continuing his role as Prime Minister and Tadić's party receiving 13 of 25 cabinet posts.[11]
On 8 March 2008, Koštunica called for new elections on 11 May after the collapse of his party's coalition with the Democratic Party over relations with the European Union and Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence.[12] Pro-EU candidate Boris Tadić and his Democratic Party wound up winning the parliamentary elections[13] and on July 7, a coalition between the Democrats and the Socialist Party was formed with Mirko Cvetković succeeding Koštunica as Prime Minister.[14]
On 21 February 2008, following Kosovo's declaration of independence, Koštunica made an emotional speech in Belgrade, which included the following:
Dear citizens of Serbia, Serbia! What is Kosovo? Where is Kosovo? Whose is Kosovo? Is there anyone among us who is not from Kosovo? Is there anyone among us who thinks that Kosovo does not belong to us? Kosovo – that's Serbia's first name. Kosovo belongs to Serbia. Kosovo belongs to the Serbian people. That’s how it has been for ever. That's how it's going to be for ever. There is no force, no threat, and no punishment big and hideous enough for any Serb, at any time, to say anything different but, Kosovo is Serbia! Never will anyone hear from us that the Patriarchate of Peć does not belong to us, that Visoki Dečani and Gračanica are not ours! That the place where we were born is not ours; we and our state and our church and everything that makes us what we are today! If we as Serbs renounce Serbianhood, our origin, our Kosovo, our ancestors and our history – then, who are we Serbs? What is our name then?[17]
Buses took thousands of supporters to the rally; some protestors then attacked embassies and looted shops.[18]
On 25 February 2008, Koštunica demanded that the United States rescind its recognition of Kosovo, warning that "there will be no stability until the fake state" is annulled.[19]
On 4 April 2008, Koštunica stated that European Union membership was no longer on the agenda for Serbia. He stated that before EU integration could continue, Serbia and the EU must discuss the matter of Serbia's territorial integrity.[20]
On 21 April 2008 Koštunica said that the SAA was in the interests of Olli Rehn and Javier Solana and not in Serbia's national interests. He also said that "the NATO pact cannot claim that Serbia recognised Kosovo’s independence with that signature." and that "the only thing the NATO pact will be able to claim is that individual parties signed Solana’s agreement."[22]
On 27 April 2008 he said that anyone who signed the SAA on behalf of Serbia would become an accomplice to tearing Serbia apart. He also implied there is a cover-up of something in the agreement by saying: "I am convinced every Serbian sees that things are being covered up, and that there is something seriously amiss with the Solana agreement." and he asked "who in Serbia dares to ignore these facts and conceal the real goal of Solana's agreement."[23]
On 28 April 2008 he said that "the signature will not be valid for Serbia and whoever signs the SAA will have to assume responsibility for such an act".[24]
On 1 May 2008 Koštunica said that Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov was right when he said that the SAA should have been signed before Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence and its recognition by 18 EU member states at the time.[25] One day later on 2 May 2008 he vowed to annul the agreement after the election, calling it "a trick", "Solana's agreement" and "the Tadić-Đelić SAA signature".[26] He said he refers to the act of signing of the SAA as anti-Constitutional and anti-state that leads to the breakup of Serbia.[27] A spokesperson of Koštunica's Democratic Party of Serbia stated that Tadić was putting a seal of Judas of his party coalition to the Solana Agreement by signing it.[28] On 4 May he called the document "a forgery and a trick".[29]
Bibliography
Books
Koštunica, Vojislav (2002). Ugrožena sloboda. Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju / Filip Višnjić, Biblioteka „Fronesis“, Belgrade. ISBN978-86-7363-317-6.
Vojislav Koštunica, Politički sistem kapitalizma i opozicija, Institut društvenih nauka, Belgrade, 1977
Vojislav Koštunica, Kosta Čavoški, Stranački pluralizam ili monizam Društveni pokreti i politički sistem u Jugoslaviji 1944-1949, Institut društvenih nauka, Belgrade, 1983
Vojislav Koštunica, Kosta Čavoški, Stranački pluralizam ili monizam Posleratna opozicija - obnova i zatiranje, Privredno-pravni priručnik, Belgrade, 1990
Vojislav Koštunica, Kosta Čavoški, Party Pluralism or Monism Social Movements and the Political System in Yugoslavia 1944-1949, East European Monographs, Colorado, 1985
Vojislav Koštunica, Između sile i prava, Kosovski zapisi, Hrišćanska misao, biblioteka Svečanik, Belgrade-Valjevo-Srbinje, 2000
Koštunica, Vojislav (2008). Odnoana Kosova. Filip Višnjić, biblioteka „Posebna izdanja“, Belgrade. ISBN978-86-7363-585-9.
Vojislav Koštunica, Zašto Srbija, a ne Evropska unija, Belgrade, 2012.[30]
Selected articles
Vojislav Koštunica, „Mogućnosti demokratije u Srbiji“ - Filozofija i društvo (Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Belgrade, editor: Svetozar Stojanović; 1997), no. XII. pp. 29-.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Postkomunizam i problem demokratije“ - Filozofija i društvo (Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Belgrade, editor: Svetozar Stojanović; 1996), no. IX-X. pp. 253-.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Politika i elite“, - Ideje (1970), no. 5. pp. 19–27.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Opšta deklaracija i osnovna prava“, - Jugoslovenska revija za međunarodno pravo (Jugoslovensko udruženje za međunarodno pravo, Belgrade; 1989), no. 1-2. pp. 23–36.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Alternativne ideje o socijalizmu u Jugoslaviji 1945-1947", - Filozofija i društvo (IFDT, Belgrade; 1989), no. 2, pp. -.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Postkomunizam i problem demokratije“, - Filozofija i društvo (IFDT, Belgrade, editor: dr Svetozar Stojanović; 1996), no. IX-X. pp. 253–263.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Mogućnosti demokratije u Srbiji“, - Filozofija i društvo (IFDT, Belgrade, editor: dr Svetozar Stojanović; 1997), no. 12. pp. 29–40.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Neki problemi učešća federalnih jedinica u strukturi i funkcionisanju federacije“, - Arhiv za pravne i društvene nauke (1973), no. 2-3. pp. 431–445.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Poreklo institucionalizovane opozicije u SAD“, - Arhiv za pravne i društvene nauke (Savez udruženja pravnika Jugoslavije, Belgrade; 1975), no. 3. pp. 417–433.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Nastanak institucionalizovane opozicije u Velikoj noitaniji“, - Arhiv za pravne i društvene nauke (Savez udruženja pravnika Jugoslavije, Belgrade; 1976), no. 3. pp. 423–440.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Ruso i problem vladavine opšte volje“, - Theoria (Filozofsko društvo Srbije, Belgrade; 1978), no. 3-4. pp. 41–49.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Problem tiranije većine u političkoj filozofiji Aleksisa de Tokvila“, - Filozofske studije (Filozofsko društvo Srbije, Belgrade; ). (1978). pp. 145.–204.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Angloamerička pravna tradicija i ideja vladavine prava“, - Arhiv za pravne i društvene promene (Savez udruženja pravnika Jugoslavije, Belgrade; 1981), no. 2. pp. 251–268.
Vojislav Koštunica, „DŽon Lok i ideja vlade koja počiva na saglasnosti“, - Filozofske studije (Filozofsko društvo Srbije, Belgrade;). (1982). pp. 35.–57.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Politički sistem i osnovna prava“, - Theoria (Filozofsko društvo Srbije, Belgrade; 1987), no. 1-2. pp. 53–62.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Novija shvatanja o federalizmu u političkoj nauci“ - Federalizam i nacionalno pitanje (Savez udruženja za političke nauke, Belgrade), (1971). pp. 289.–295.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Opozicija i demokratija“ - O demokratiji, (Draganić, Belgrade), (1995). pp. 120.–128.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Uloga ustavnog sudstva; uporednopravni aspekt“ - Ustavnost i zakonitost (Institut društvenih nauka, Belgrade), (1976). pp. 247.–260.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Teorije revolucije i savremena sociologija“ - Ogledi iz sociologije društvenog razvoja (Institut za sociološka istraživanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Belgradeu, Belgrade), (1981). pp. 38.–59.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Srpska prevodna književnost u oblasti političke teorije do Prvog svetskog rata“ - pp. -.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Ustav, sloboda udruživanja i političke stranke“ - Dva veka savremene ustavnosti (SANU, Belgrade), (1990). pp. 325.–340.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Deklaracija iz 1789. i ljudska prava“ - Sloboda, jednakost, noatstvo. Francuska revolucija i savremenost (Institut za evropske studije, Belgrade), (1990). pp. 181.–190.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Ustavnopravni razvoj Jugoslavije između dva rata i pravna drzava“ - Pravna država (Institut za sociološka i kriminološka istraživanja, Belgrade), (1991). pp. 37.–47.
Vojislav Koštunica, „Načelo jednoglasnosti i jugoslovenski federalizam“ - Potrebe društvenog razvoja (SANU, Belgrade), (1991). pp. 387.–390.
Vojislav Koštunica. "The constitution and the federal State" - Jugoslavija. A Fractured federalism (The Wilson Center Press. Washington, editor: -{Dennison Rusinow}-). (1988). pp. 78.–92.
_(cropped_2).jpg)
.svg)
