Soon after its formation in 2001, the alliance began to make a more pro-LTTE stance, supporting their "freedom struggle" and recognizing them as the sole representative of the Tamils. In an interview, Selvam Adaikalanathan explained that it would be betraying the Tamil people to oppose the LTTE, because victory could only be achieved if all Tamil groups set aside their differences and stood as a united front. Since the end of the civil war and the defeat of the Tamil Tigers, the TNA has dropped the demand for an independent state, saying that it is ready to accept federalism and regional self-rule. The TNA and its supporters have been subject to numerous attacks during its existence and three of its sitting Members of Parliament have been assassinated, allegedly by government-backed paramilitary groups.[6][7]
Soon after its formation, the TNA began to make a more pro-LTTE stance, supporting their "freedom struggle" and recognising them as the sole representative of the Sri Lankan Tamils.[18] This caused a split within the TULF. Some members of the TULF, led by its president V. Anandasangaree, were opposed to the LTTE. Anandasangaree refused to allow the TNA to use the TULF name during the 2004 parliamentary election.[19] This caused the members of TULF who wished to remain with the TNA to resurrect the Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK) political party.[20] At the 2004 parliamentary election the TNA, contesting under the name and symbol of the ITAK, received 633,654 votes (6.84%) and won 22 out of 225 seats in parliament.[21]
The civil war ended in May 2009 after the LTTE were defeated by the Sri Lankan military.[26] A United Nations report found that as many as 40,000 civilians may have been killed in the final months of the civil war, mostly as a result of indiscriminate shelling by the Sri Lankan military.[27][28][29] There are widespread allegations that both sides committed atrocities and human rights violations including war crimes.[30][31][32] The TNA has consistently campaigned for an independent international investigation into the alleged war crimes.[33][34][35]
At the 2015 presidential election, the TNA supported common opposition candidate Maithripala Sirisena.[48][49] Newly elected president Sirisena formed a national unity government after the election but the TNA chose not to join the new government, saying that, although the TNA supported Sirisena's policies for political reform, a political solution must first be found to address Tamil grievances before the TNA would consider joining the government.[50][51] The TNA was however represented by its leader Sampanthan on the National Executive Council.[52][53][54]
In March 2015 the TNA joined an all party provincial government in the Eastern Province.[55][56][57] Two TNA provincial councillors were appointed to the province's Board of Ministers.[58][59]
Tamil National Alliances manifesto were based on what is known as the Thimpu principles amongst Sri Lankan Tamil nationalists.[64] But the TNA later rejected separatism preferring power devolution to the provinces and stated that they accept that Sri Lanka is a united state and the TNA does not intent to form a separate state.[65][66]
The current political manifesto and policies of the TNA are,[67]
The Tamils are a distinct People and from time immemorial have inhabited this island together with the Sinhalese People and others
The contiguous preponderantly Tamil-speaking Northern and Eastern provinces is the historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking Peoples
The Tamil People are entitled to the right to self-determination
Power sharing arrangements must be established in a unit of a merged Northern and Eastern Provinces based on a Federal structure, in a manner also acceptable to the Tamil-speaking Muslim people
Devolution of power on the basis of shared sovereignty shall necessarily be over land, law and order, socio-economic development including health and education, resources and fiscal powers.
The TNA also stands for,
There must be meaningful de-militarization resulting in the return to the pre-war situation as it existed in 1983 before the commencement of hostilities by the removal of armed forces, military apparatuses and High Security/Restricted Zones from the Northern and Eastern Provinces
Tamil People who have been displaced in the North and the East due to the conflict must be speedily resettled in their original places; housing provided, their livelihoods restored and their dignity respected
An independent International Investigation must be conducted into the allegations of violations of international human rights and humanitarian laws made against both the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE during the last stages of the war, the truth ascertained and justice to victims and reparation including compensation must be ensured
Persons who are detained without charges must be released promptly and a general amnesty should be granted to all other political prisoners
There must be finality reached with regard to thousands of missing persons and compensation must be paid to the next of kin
Tamils who fled the country must be permitted to return to their homes and a conducive atmosphere created for their return
A comprehensive programme for the development of the North and East including the creation of employment opportunities for the youth will be undertaken with the active support of the Sri Lankan State, the Tamil Diaspora and the International Community
On 7 March 2011 Jaffna District MP S. Shritharan was travelling in a van on the A12 highway near Nochchiyagama, Anuradhapura District when three men standing by a white van parked on the roadside pulled out guns and started shooting and throwing hand grenades at Shritharan's van.[86][87] Sritharan's police guard fired back, forcing the attackers to flee in their white van which had no number plates. No one was hurt in the incident. Shritharan has blamed the EPDP, a government backed paramilitary group, for the assassination attempt.[88] A TNA local election campaign meeting in Alaveddy on 16 June 2011 was attacked allegedly by army personnel.[89][90]
^Robert C Oberst; Yogendra K Malik; Charles Kennedy; Ashok Kapur; Mahendra Lawoti, Syedur Rahman & Ahrar Ahmad (9 July 2013). Government and Politics in South Asia. Avalon Publishing. pp. 255–. ISBN978-0-8133-4880-3. Retrieved 30 July 2017.
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