Following Joseph Stalin's consolidation of power in the 1920s,[3] the post of the general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party became synonymous with leader of the Soviet Union,[4] because the post controlled both the Communist Party[5] and, via party membership, the Soviet government.[3] Often the general secretary also held high positions in the government.[6] The post of general secretary lacked clear guidelines of succession, so after the death or removal of a Soviet leader the successor needed the support of the Political Bureau (Politburo), the Central Committee, or another government or party apparatus to both take and stay in power. The President of the Soviet Union, an office created in March 1990, replaced the general secretary as the highest Soviet political office.[7]
Vladimir Lenin was voted the chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Soviet Union (Sovnarkom) on 30 December 1922 by the Congress of Soviets.[11] At the age of 53, his health declined from the effects of two bullet wounds, later aggravated by three strokes which culminated with his death in 1924.[12] Irrespective of his health status in his final days, Lenin was already losing much of his power to Joseph Stalin.[13]Alexei Rykov succeeded Lenin as chairman of the Sovnarkom, and although he was de jure the most powerful person in the country, in fact, all power was concentrated in the hands of the "troika" – the union of three influential party figures: Grigory Zinoviev, Joseph Stalin, and Lev Kamenev. Stalin continued to increase his influence in the party, and by the end of the 1920s, he became the sole dictator of the USSR, defeating all his political opponents. The post of general secretary of the party, which was held by Stalin, became the most important post in the Soviet hierarchy.
Stalin's early policies pushed for rapid industrialisation, nationalisation of private industry[14] and the collectivisation of private plots created under Lenin's New Economic Policy.[15] As leader of the Politburo, Stalin consolidated near-absolute power by 1938 after the Great Purge, a series of campaigns of political murder, repression and persecution.[16] On 22 June 1941 Nazi Germanyinvaded the Soviet Union,[17] but by December the Soviet Army managed to stop the attack just shy of Moscow. On Stalin's orders, the Soviet Union launched a counter-attack on Nazi Germany, which finally succeeded in 1945.[18] Stalin died in March 1953[19] and his death triggered a power struggle in which Nikita Khrushchev after several years emerged victorious against Georgy Malenkov.[20]
Khrushchev denounced Stalin on two occasions, first in 1956 and then in 1962. His policy of de-Stalinisation earned him many enemies within the party, especially from old Stalinist appointees. Many saw this approach as destructive and destabilizing. A group known as Anti-Party Group tried to oust Khrushchev from office in 1957, but it failed.[21] As Khrushchev grew older, his erratic behaviour became worse, usually making decisions without discussing or confirming them with the Politburo.[22]Leonid Brezhnev, a close companion of Khrushchev, was elected the first secretary the same day of Khrushchev's removal from power. Alexei Kosygin became the new premier, and Anastas Mikoyan kept his office as chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. On the orders of the Politburo, Mikoyan was forced to retire in 1965, and Nikolai Podgorny took over the office of chairman of the Presidium.[23] The Soviet Union in the post-Khrushchev 1960s was governed by a collective leadership.[24]Henry Kissinger, the American National Security Advisor, mistakenly believed that Kosygin was the leader of the Soviet Union and that he was at the helm of Soviet foreign policy because he represented the Soviet Union at the 1967 Glassboro Summit Conference.[25] The "Era of Stagnation", a derogatory term coined by Mikhail Gorbachev, was a period marked by low socio-economic efficiency in the country and a gerontocracy ruling the country.[26]Yuri Andropov (aged 68 at the time) succeeded Brezhnev in his post as general secretary in 1982. In 1983, Andropov was hospitalized and rarely met up at work to chair the politburo meetings due to his declining health. Nikolai Tikhonov usually chaired the meetings in his place.[27] Following Andropov's death fifteen months after his appointment, an even older leader, 72-year-old Konstantin Chernenko, was elected to the general secretariat. His rule lasted for little more than a year until his death thirteen months later on 10 March 1985.[28]
At the age of 54, Mikhail Gorbachev was elected to the general secretariat by Politburo on 11 March 1985.[29] In May 1985, Gorbachev publicly admitted the slowing down of the economic development and inadequate living standards, being the first Soviet leader to do so while also beginning a series of fundamental reforms. From 1986 to around 1988, he dismantled central planning, allowed state enterprises to set their own outputs, enabled private investment in businesses not previously permitted to be privately owned, and allowed foreign investment, among other measures. He also opened up the management of and decision-making within the Soviet Union and allowed greater public discussion and criticism, along with the warming of relationships with the West. These twin policies were known as perestroika (literally meaning "reconstruction", though it varies) and glasnost ("openness" and "transparency"), respectively.[30] The dismantling of the principal defining features of Soviet communism in 1988 and 1989 in the Soviet Union led to the unintended consequence of the Soviet Union breaking up after the failed August 1991 coup led by Gennady Yanayev.[31]
List of leaders
The following list includes those who held the top leadership position of the Soviet Union from its founding in 1922 until its 1991 dissolution. † denotes leaders who died in office.
Following the death of Lenin, Stalin initially ruled as part of a troika alongside Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev.[35][34] However, by April 1925, this arrangement broke down as Stalin consolidated power to become the Soviet Union's absolute dictator. He also held the post of the Minister of Defence from 19 July 1941 to 3 March 1947 and chaired the State Defense Committee during World War II.[36]
After Stalin's death, Malenkov ruled as part of a troika alongside Lavrentiy Beria and Vyacheslav Molotov,[41] Despite initially succeeding Stalin in all his titles and positions, he was forced to relinquish most of them within a month by the Politburo.[42] The troika would ultimately break down when Beria was arrested later that year.[43] Shortly thereafter, he found himself locked in a power struggle against Nikita Khrushchev that led to his removal as Premier in 1955.[44]
In January 1955, Khrushchev emerged as first among equals within the Presidium of the Central Committee by securing Malenkov's removal as its chairman and Premier of the Soviet Union. After nearly being ousted in 1957 by the "anti-party group", he consolidated his power even further by naming himself Premier on 27 March 1958. Ultimately, after alienating colleagues through disruptive shake-ups of the country's infrastructure and brinksmanship on the world stage, he was fired from all his posts at a special meeting of the Presidium on 13 October 1964.
In October 1964, Brezhnev replaced Khrushchev as First Secretary of the Communist Party. Despite being the de jure head of the party, he was initially forced to govern the country as part of a troika alongside the Soviet Union's Premier, Alexei Kosygin and Chairman of the Supreme Soviet's Presidium, Nikolai Podgorny. However, by the 1970s, Brezhnev consolidated power to become the regime's undisputed leader. In 1977, Brezhnev officially replaced Podgorny as head of state.[23] At his death in 1982, he received a state funeral.
General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party[51] and Chairman of the Presidium from 11 April 1984 to 10 March 1985.[52] However, due to his health and lack of support within the regime, he governed the country for most of his tenure as part of a troika alongside Andrei Gromyko and Dmitry Ustinov.
Served as General Secretary from 11 March 1985[52] and resigned on 24 August 1991,[55][b] Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet from 1 October[51] 1988 until the office was renamed to the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet on 25 May 1989 to 15 March 1990[52] and President of the Soviet Union from 15 March 1990[56] to 25 December 1991. Deposed on 19 August 1991, reinstated on 22 August.[57][54] The day following Gorbachev's resignation as president, the Soviet Union was formally dissolved.[58] Gorbachev was the only head of the USSR to have been born during its existence.
When Vladimir Lenin suffered his first stroke in May 1922, a troika was formed to temporarily rule in his place consisting of Deputy PremierLev Kamenev, General SecretaryJoseph Stalin and Comintern ChairmanGrigory Zinoviev. In March 1923, the three assumed permanent control over the country after Lenin suffered another stroke leaving him unable to govern. However, by April 1925, the triumvirate broke up due to Kamenev's and Zinoviev's opposition to Stalin's "Socialism in One Country" policy. After Stalin consolidated power in the 1930s, Kamenev and Zinoviev were ultimately murdered in the Great Purge.
^On 14 March 1990, the provision on the CPSU monopoly on power was removed from Article 6 of the Constitution of the USSR. Thus, in the Soviet Union, a multi-party system was officially allowed and the CPSU ceased to be part of the state apparatus.
^ abFursenko, A.A; Naftali, Timothy J. (2006). Khrushchev's Cold War : The Inside Story of an American Adversary. W.W. Norton & Company. pp. 20–21. ISBN978-0-393-05809-3.
^Miles 2020, p. 100 "[As the leader of the Soviet Union] Chernenko delegated increasing amounts of responsibility and decision-making to his inner circle because of his health. Gorbachev, for example, chaired politburo meetings in Chernenko's (frequent) absence. In public, inspired by his initials K.U.Ch., Soviet citizens had taken to calling him kucher, or 'coachman,' to evoke the image of an old man struggling to control his team of horses."
^Mitchell 1990, pp. 121–122 "It was well recognized that Chernenko would be a stopgap leader, probably weaker than any previous one. The condition of his health pointed in this direction, and further assurance was provided by the giving of additional power to the two likeliest candidates for long-term leadership, hemming in Chernenko in his exercise of authority over the party apparat[us] in a way not experienced by any previous general secretary."
^Bialer 1986, p. 103 "While in office Chernenko labored under major constraints. He was supposed to lead a Politburo that only fifteen months before had rejected him in favor of Andropov. The new members of the Politburo and the score of high officials who joined the central Party apparatus after Brezhnev's death were all Andropov loyalists. They shared their patron's position on the issues. Almost all belonged to the younger generation. Many had replaced Brezhnev loyalists who were close to Chernenko. Moreover, Chernenko did not enjoy the respect of the older generation, all of whom had had more illustrious careers and more independent positions than he. They controlled major bloc of bureaucratic support from the hierarchies they supervised. Nor was Chernenko personally respected by the younger generation. For them he represented the past, and particularly the years of paralysis at the end of Brezhnev's rule...[¶] Most important, however, Chernenko's power and his independence were sharply circumscribed by the widely recognized fact that he was a transitional leader who was keeping the seat of the general secretary warm for the real successor to come. The lame-duck nature of Chernenko's leadership meant that officials were not likely to become preoccupied with an effort to please him, or to identify themselves with him."
^Mitchell 1990, pp. 121–122 "[...] Chernenko's lack of political support...[was] an insuperable obstacle. The Brezhnevites might rally around him to save their political skin, but his personal 'organizational tail' was weaker than Andropov's, consisting of no more than the Moldavian party and the General Department of the Central Committee."
Figes, Orlando (2014). Revolutionary Russia, 1891-1991: A History. New York City, NY: Henry Holt & Company, LLC. ISBN978-0-8050-9131-1.
Ginsburgs, George; Ajani, Gianmaria & van den Berg, Gerard Peter (1989). Soviet Administrative Law: Theory and Policy. Brill Publishers. ISBN978-0792302889.
Marlowe, Lynn Elizabeth (2005). GED Social Studies. Research and Education Association. ISBN978-0738601274.
Miles, Simon (2020). Engaging the Evil Empire: Washington, Moscow, and the Beginning of the End of the Cold War. Cornell University Press. ISBN9781501751707.
Tinggaard Svendsen, Gert; Svendsen, Gunnar Lind Haase (2009). Handbook of Social Capital: The Troika of Sociology, Political Science and Economics. Edward Elgar Publishing. ISBN978-1845423230.