In 2016, Acharya was awarded the prestigious Odisha Living Legend Award from the Odisha Diary Foundation in his native state of Odisha and delivered the Living Legend Oration at Bhubaneswar.[10] He has received two Distinguished Scholar awards from the International Studies Association: one from the Global South Caucus in 2016,[11] and another from the International Organization section in 2018.[12]
In 2020, he received American University's highest honor: Scholar-Teacher of the Year Award. In 2022 Acharya won the International Studies Association Inaugural 2023 Distinguished Scholar Award.[13]
Research
Acharya's major research interests include the diffusion of ideas and norms in world politics, and constructivist International Relations (IR) theory more generally; comparative regionalism, with a focus on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN); and contributions to IR theory and practice from the Global South, or Global IR.[14][15] Acharya's research combines and cuts across these different topics, often touching upon multiple themes in a single work.
Norm localization and norm subsidiarity
Acharya's principal contributions that advance constructivist IR theory are the concepts of norm localization and norm subsidiarity. Constructivism has traditionally accorded more importance to the role of ideas and norms in international politics compared to realism and liberalism. However, Acharya points out that most constructivists conceive of ideas as spreading outward from the West (or the Global North) to the "Rest" (or the Global South). Acharya challenges this story of unidirectional norm diffusion by showing how "local" beliefs and practices also matter. Using case studies from ASEAN, Acharya highlights how Southeast Asian leaders did not just accept transnational norms as is. Rather, where such transnational norms were in line with prior local beliefs, or "cognitive priors", they were successfully "localized". This is exemplified in how the ASEAN states localized the "common security" norm of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe into "cooperative security" as manifested in the ASEAN Regional Forum. While the cooperative security norm recognized the need for inclusive regional security cooperation, it rejected the legalistic and domestic politics aspects of the common security norm, in line with the basic tenets of the ASEAN Way.[16][17]
While norm localization emphasizes the agency of local actors in adapting prevailing transnational norms, norm subsidiarity is concerned with the creation of new norms by local actors. Norm subsidiarity posits that local actors create new norms and rules with a view toward protecting the norm's autonomy from violation and abuse at the international level. In contrast to localization, which is inward-looking, subsidiarity is outward-looking. Acharya again uses a case from Southeast Asia to illustrate the concept. In resistance to the US-led collective defence organization of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization signed in 1954, the leaders of South and Southeast Asia met at the Bandung Conference in 1955 and established their support for the norm of collective defence but rejected the use of such an arrangement for the defence of a single country. In so doing, the leaders at Bandung not only rejected the central position of the United States in regional security arrangements, but also created a new norm of collective defence that accorded importance to all treaty members.[18][19]
A number of IR scholars have built on, engaged with, and challenged Acharya's work on norms, including Antje Wiener, Lisbeth Zimmerman, and Kathryn Sikkink. Through her concept of "norm protagonism", Sikkink goes beyond Acharya by divorcing the formation and diffusion of norms in the Global South from the North. She illustrates how Latin American countries were protagonists of human rights norms and, among other things, adopted the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man in April 1948, eight months before the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in December 1948.[20]
Comparative regionalism
Acharya places a high importance on the study of regions in world politics. His work has attempted to bridge the gap between scholarship in IR and area studies by encouraging conversation between "regionally oriented disciplinarists" and "discipline-oriented regionalists".[21] For Acharya, rather than imagining a "world of regions",[22] where it is primarily superpowers that shape how and when regions are important,[23] it is more useful to think of "regional worlds", where the roles of external powers are balanced by the countries that constitute the region and construct it from within.[24]
Acharya's most prolific work has been on ASEAN. In Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia,[25] Acharya traces the evolution of ASEAN and the ASEAN Way of conflict management, which is based on the ASEAN norms of non-interference and avoidance of confrontations in word and deed.[26] Building upon the work on the concept of a security community—a region where the outbreak of war has become almost unthinkable—by Karl Deutsch[27] and Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett,[28] Acharya finds that ASEAN exhibits the characteristics of a nascent pluralistic security community.
Acharya has also been critical of the Eurocentrism prevalent in comparative regionalism, whereby the European Union (EU) is considered as the best way to regionalize—a model for regional integration—and regionalism projects in other parts of the world are judged against the EU. Rather than compare with the EU, Acharya calls for studies in comparative regionalism to focus more on the specific regional contexts of regionalism projects and to develop more general criteria for comparison that are not based solely on the European experience.[29]
Global IR and a multiplex world order
In line with his focus on the role and contributions of the Global South to IR theory and practice, Acharya has advanced what he terms "Global IR". One aspect of Global IR is to uncover sources of IR theory from the non-Western world to counterbalance the dominating influence of European history—from the Peloponnesian War in Ancient Greece to the nineteenth-century balance of power under the Concert of Europe—on contemporary IR theory. Along with Barry Buzan, Acharya has published two books on Global International Relations theory that explore scholarly thinking as well as teaching traditions on international relations and foreign policy throughout the Global South.[30][31]
One reason Acharya and Buzan transitioned from "non-Western" to "Global" IR theory is that Global IR, while challenging traditional IR's neglect and marginalization of the Global South, does not reject the mainstream theories, thus differentiating Acharya from postcolonial IR scholars. Global IR revolves around six main dimensions:
It is based on pluralistic universalism that recognizes diversity and abjures universal imposition
It is grounded in world history
It supplements and subsumes, rather than supplants, traditional IR
It includes the study of regions as a core part of IR
It eschews exceptionalism
It recognizes both ideational and material forms of agency[32]
Acharya's concept of the "multiplex world order" captures his understanding of the ongoing changes and future directions in the landscape of international relations. While not arguing that the United States is in decline per se, Acharya contends that the "American world order", whereby the United States played a hegemonic role in shaping the international system—or the "liberal world order"—to its own benefit through its dominant role in international institutions and its interventionalist foreign policy, is coming to an end.[33] In this respect, Acharya disagrees with John Ikenberry, who highlights America's important role in designing, spearheading, and maintaining postwar "constitutional orders".[34][35] In contrast to Ikenberry, Acharya finds evidence of an emerging "multiplex" world order, where there is an array of plots (ideas), directors (power), and action (leadership) under one roof (the international system) to choose from.[36]
Professional activities
Acharya was elected President of the International Studies Association (ISA) for 2014–15.[1] He was the first Indian, Asian, and non-Western scholar to be elected as ISA President. He was a vice-president of the ISA in 2008–09.
He is one of the founders of the Asian Political and International Studies Association (APISA), and served as its inaugural co-president in 2003–04.[37][38]
Acharya's work has been influential in shaping policy on Asian regionalism and human security. His 2001 book, Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia, was the primary basis of the initial Indonesian concept paper which ultimately resulted in the establishment of the ASEAN Political-Security Community.[40] His work on human security led to him being invited to address the UN General Assembly on the subject of human security on 14 April 2011.[41]
On 28 October 2021, he participated in a debate hosted by the Oxford Union. The motion was framed as: “This House Would Still Look to the US for Global Leadership”.
Speaking for the motion were Sir Malcolm Rifkind, former British Foreign Secretary, Jane Harman, former member of the US House of Representative from California and former President of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, James Cleverly, former co-chair of the British Conservative Party and currently Minister of State (Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Department for International Development), and Dr Laura Smith of Oxford. The opposition side comprising Acharya, the Russian Ambassador to UK Andrey Kelin, Simon Von Teutem (Oxford student) and Patrick Cole (Oxford student), won the debate 166–124.
^"Professor Amitav Acharya". Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, The University of Queensland, Australia. 9 August 2018. Retrieved 8 July 2019.
^Acharya, Amitav (2018). Constructing Global Order: Agency and Change in World Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
^Sikkink, Kathryn (2014). "Latin American Countries as Norm Protagonists of the Idea of International Human Rights". Global Governance. 20 (3): 389–404. doi:10.1163/19426720-02003005. S2CID153401534.
^Russo, Alessandra (2016). "Comparative Regionalism: Still Emerging, Already to Be Reformed?". International Politics Reviews. 4 (1): 7–16. doi:10.1057/ipr.2016.6. S2CID132354266.
^Katzenstein, Peter J. (2005). A World of Regions: Asia and Europe in the American Imperium. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
^Acharya, Amitav (2007). "The Emerging Regional Architecture of World Politics". World Politics. 59 (4): 629–652. doi:10.1353/wp.2008.0000. S2CID154724042.
^Acharya, Amitav (2014). Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia: ASEAN and the Problem of Regional Order. London: Routledge.
^Deutsch, Karl W. (1957). Political Community in the North Atlantic Area: International Organization in the Light of Historical Experience. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
^Adler, Emanuel; Barnett, Michael (1998). Security Communities. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
^Acharya, Amitav (2012). "Comparative Regionalism: A Field Whose Time Has Come?". The International Spectator: Italian Journal of International Affairs. 47 (1): 3–15.
^Acharya, Amitav; Buzan, Barry (2010). Non-Western International Relations Theory: Reflections on and Beyond Asia. London: Routledge.
^Acharya, Amitav; Buzan, Barry (2019). The Making of Global International Relations: Origins and Evolution of IR at its Centenary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
^Acharya, Amitav (2018). The End of American World Order. Cambridge: Polity Press.
^Ikenberry, G. John (2001). After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major Wars. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
^Ikenberry, G. John (2011). Liberal Leviathan: The Origins, Crisis, and Transformation of the American World Order. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
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